OF  CALIFORNI 
S  ANGELES 


WEST  SIDE  STUDIES 

CARRIED    ON    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF 

PAULINE  GOLDMARK 

FORMERLY    ASSOCIATE     DIRECTOR    NEW    YORK 

SCHOOL    OF     PHILANTHROPY,     MEMBER    OF 

INDUSTRIAL  BOARD  NEW  YORK  STATE 

DEPARTMENT    OF    LABOR 


BOYHOOD 

AND  LAWLESSNESS 


THE  NEGLECTED  GIRL 

By  RUTH  S.  TRUE 


3  V  to-' 

S  7  4  3         3 


go 

v.  / 

PREFACE  TO  WEST  SIDE  STUDIES 

IN  the  summer  of  191 2  the  field  work  was  completed 
for  the  West  Side  studies  published  in  these 
volumes.  They  are  part  of  a  wider  survey  of 
the  neighborhood  which  it  was  proposed  to  make 
under  the  Bureau  of  Social  Research  of  the  New  York 
School  of  Philanthropy  with  funds  supplied  by  the 
Russell  Sage  Foundation.  Dr.  Samuel  McCune  Lind- 
say, director  of  the  School,  and  I  were  in  charge  of  the 
Bureau  and  together  planned  the  scope  and  nature  of 
the  inquiry.  To  his  inspiriting  influence  was  due  in 
large  measure  the  enthusiasm  and  harmonious  work  of 
our  staff. 

The  investigators  in  the  Bureau  were  men  and  women 
who  had  been  awarded  fellowships  by  the  School  of 
Philanthropy.  There  were  junior  fellowships,  given  for 
one  year  only,  and  intended  to  provide  training  in 
social  research  for  students  without  much  previous 
experience,  who  were  required  to  give  part  of  their  time 
to  class  work  and  special  reading.  There  were  also 
senior  fellowships  given  to  more  advanced  students  who 
devoted  full  time  to  investigation.  After  two  years' 
work  it  was  felt  that  to  carry  out  the  original  plan 
satisfactorily  would  require  the  employment  of  a  per- 
manent staff  of  investigators  who  were  well  trained 
and  equipped.  The  School,  therefore,  decided  not  to 
carry  the  survey  further  and  reorganized  the  Bureau 
on  a  different  basis. 


PREFACE  TO  WEST  SIDE  STUDIES 


This  brief  account  of  the  Bureau  is  needed  to  explain 
the  special  topics  dealt  with  in  these  volumes.  The 
personal  qualifications  of  the  investigators  as  well  as 
the  available  opportunities  for  investigation  necessarily 
determined  the  choice  of  subjects. 

A  word  must  be  said,  too,  as  to  the  selection  of  this 
particular  West  Side  district  of  New  York  City.  These 
80  blocks  which  border  upon  the  Hudson  River,  be- 
tween Thirty-fourth  and  Fifty-fourth  Streets,  contrast 
sharply  with  almost  all  other  tenement  neighbor- 
hoods of  the  city.  They  have  as  nearly  homogene- 
ous and  stable  a  population  as  can  be  found  in  any 
part  of  New  York.  The  original  stock  was  Irish  and 
German.  In  each  generation  the  bolder  spirits  moved 
away  to  more  prosperous  parts  of  the  city.  This  left 
behind  the  less  ambitious  and  in  many  cases  the  wrecks 
of  the  population.  Hence  in  this  "backset"  from  the 
main  current  of  the  city's  life  may  be  seen  some  of  the 
most  acute  social  problems  of  modern  urban  life — not 
the  readjustment  and  amalgamation  of  sturdy  immi- 
grant groups,  but  the  discouragement  and  deteriora- 
tion of  an  indigenous  American  community. 

The  quarter  which  we  studied  is  strangely  detached 
from  the  rest  of  the  city.  Only  occasionally  an  out- 
break of  lawlessness  brings  it  to  public  notice.  Its  old 
reputation  for  violence  and  crime  dates  back  many  gen- 
erations and  persists  to  the  present  day.  So  true  is  this 
that  we  considered  it  essential  at  the  beginning  of  our 
undertaking  to  ascertain  the  main  facts  of  the  district's 
development.  To  Otho  G.  Cartwright  was  assigned 
the  task  of  collecting  this  material.  He  did  not 
make  an  exhaustive  inquiry,  but  obtained  from 
reliable  sources  sufficient  information  to  give  the  his- 


PREFACE  TO  WEST  SIDE  STUDIES 

torical  background  of  life  in  the  district  today.  His 
work  serves  as  a  general  introduction  to  the  more 
intensive  studies  which  follow. 

The  study  of  juvenile  delinquency,  Boyhood  and 
Lawlessness,  shows  clearly  the  need  of  special  intimate 
knowledge  of  social  phenomena  if  their  underlying  causes 
are  to  be  understood.  It  describes  the  inadequacies  of 
the  present  system:  the  innumerable  arrests  for  petty 
offenses  or  for  playing  in  the  streets,  and  the  failure 
of  the  police  to  bring  the  ringleaders  into  court.  All 
this  seems  so  unreasonable  to  the  neighborhood  and  has 
so  often  aroused  its  antagonism  that  the  influence  of 
the  Children's  Court  is  seriously  undermined.  In  fact, 
the  fathers  and  mothers  of  its  charges  look  upon  it 
only  as  a  hostile  authority  in  league  with  the  police, 
while  its  real  purpose  is  entirely  hidden  from  them. 
The  evidence  is  clear,  too,  that  both  parents  and  com- 
munity have  failed  to  understand  and  provide  for  the 
most  elementary  physical  needs  of  the  boys. 

The  same  tragic  lack  of  opportunity  and  care  char- 
acterizes the  lives  of  the  girls.  Ruth  S.  True's  por- 
trayal of  these  lives  in  The  Neglected  Girl  rests  upon 
close  personal  acquaintance  with  a  special  group  of  girls 
who,  though  they  were  not  brought  up  on  charges  in  the 
Children's  Court,  yet  were  without  question  in  grave 
need  of  probationary  care. 

In  neither  of  these  two  studies  was  it  possible  to  sug- 
gest adequate  remedies  for  the  evils  described.  It  is 
true  that  steps  have  already  been  taken  by  the 
Children's  Court  to  make  its  probation  staff  more 
effective.  But  the  more  fundamental  need  for  modi- 
fication of  the  conditions  of  the  child's  life  and  environ- 


PREFACE  TO  WEST  SIDE  STUDIES 


ment  has  still  to  be  pondered.     Clearly  it  is  not  the 
child  alone  who  needs  reformation. 

Similarly,  Katharine  Anthony's  report,  Mothers  Who 
Must  Earn,  reveals  much  more  than  isolated  cases 
of  hardship  and  suffering  due  to  accident  or  death. 
She  has  studied  the  social  and  economic  causes  which 
compel  the  mother  of  a  family  to  become  a  wage-earner, 
and  the  consequences  of  such  employment  for  her  home 
and  family.  The  occupations  where  her  services  are  in 
demand  were  carefully  examined.  The  underpayment 
of  many  of  the  husbands,  which  drives  their  already 
overburdened  wives  into  wage-earning,  is  perhaps  the 
most  significant  fact  disclosed.  To  relieve  such  severe 
economic  pressure  there  is  certainly  need  of  more  radi- 
cal and  far-reaching  readjustments  than  can  be  effected 
by  any  one  remedial  measure.  Relief  giving  is  at  best 
only  a  temporary  stop-gap.  This  is  rather  a  labor 
problem  of  the  utmost  gravity,  affecting  whole  classes 
of  underpaid  laborers. 

Indeed,  if  there  is  any  one  truth  which  emerges  from 
these  studies,  it  is  the  futility  of  dealing  with  social 
maladjustments  as  single  isolated  problems.  They  are 
all  closely  interrelated,  and  the  first  step  in  getting 
order  out  of  our  complexities  must  be  knowledge  of 
what  exists.  To  such  knowledge  these  studies  aim  to 
make  a  contribution.  They  are  not  intended  to  prove 
preconceived  ideas  nor  to  test  the  efficacy  of  any 
special  remedies.  They  aim  to  describe  with  sympathy 
and  insight  some  of  the  real  needs  of  a  neglected  quarter 
of  our  city — "to  hold,  as  it  were,  the  mirror  up  to 
nature." 

The  various  investigators  who  took  part  in  the  in- 
quiry are  given  herewith:    Edward  M.  Barrows,  Clin- 


PREFACE  TO  WEST  SIDE  STUDIES 

ton  S.  Childs,  Eleanor  H.  Adler,  Beatrice  Sheets,  and 
Ruth  S.  True  contributed  to  the  study  of  the  West 
Side  boy,  here  published  under  the  title  Boyhood  and 
Lawlessness.  Thomas  D.  Eliot,  a  junior  fellow,  also 
assisted.  Associated  with  Ruth  S.  True  in  the  study 
of  the  neglected  girl,  were  Ann  Campion  and  Doro- 
thy Kirchwey.  All  three  shared  the  responsibility  of 
conducting  the  Tenth  Avenue  club  for  the  observation 
of  the  girls  described  in  their  report.  The  volume 
Mothers  Who  Must  Earn  is  the  result  of  work  done  by 
Katharine  Anthony,  who  was  assisted  in  her  field  work 
by  Ruth  S.  Waldo,  a  junior  fellow.* 

In  the  fall  of  191 2  practically  the  whole  staff  at  that 
time  employed  devoted  two  months'  time  to  inspection 
of  the  industrial  establishments  of  the  district,  under 
authority  of  the  New  York  State  Factory  Investigating 
Commission.  The  results  were  published  as  Appendix 
V,  to  Volume  I,  of  the  Commission's  P  eliminary 
Report,   191 2. 

Thanks  are  due  to  many  persons  who  gave  unstint- 
edly of  their  time  to  the  various  investigators.  Our 
indebtedness  is  especially  great  to  the  staff  of  the  Clin- 
ton District  office  of  the  Charity  Organization  Society, 
who  brought  us  in  touch  with  many  families  in  their 
care,  and  through  their  varied  experience  helped  us  in 
interpreting  many  aspects  of  neighborhood  life.    Among 

*  Mention  should  also  be  made  of  other  fellows  of  the  Bureau 
whose  work  in  connection  with  the  West  Side  Survey  is  not  included 
in  these  publications.  They  were  Elizabeth  B.  Butler,  senior  fellow; 
Lawrence  K.  Frank,  Robert  C.  Sanger,  Garret  P.  Wyckoff,  Howard 
Nudd,  Marie  S.  Orenstein,  and  Frances  Perkins,  all  junior  fellows. 
The  last  three  published  the  results  of  their  investigations  in  maga- 
zine articles. 

vii 


PREFACE  TO  WEST  SIDE  STUDIES 

other  agencies,  Hartley  House  was  particularly  gener- 
ous in  making  us  acquainted  with  its  Italian  neighbors 
and  in  giving  us  the  opportunity  to  visit  them  in  their 
homes.  The  teachers  of  various  local  schools  should 
also  be  mentioned  with  appreciation  for  the  help  they 
gave  us  in  many  ways. 

Pauline  Goldmark. 


vtu 


RUSSELL  SAGE 
FOUNDATION 


BOYHOOD 
AND    LAWLESSNESS 


WEST  SIDE  STUDIES 


NEW   YORK 
SURVEY    ASSOCIATES,    INC 

MCMXI V 


Copyright,   1914,  by 
The  Russell  Sage  Foundation 


THE  TROW   PRESS 
NEW   YORK 


INTRODUCTION 

WHEN  the  Bureau  of  Social  Research  began,  eariy 
in  1909,  an  investigation  of  the  Middle  West 
Side,  it  was  soon  realized  that  of  all  the  prob- 
lems presented  by  the  district,  none  was  more  urgent  and 
baffling,  none  more  fundamental,  than  that  of  the  boy 
and  his  gang.  His  anti-social  activities  have  forced  him 
upon  public  attention  as  an  obstruction  to  law  and 
business  and  a  menace  to  order  and  safety.  Because 
of  this  lawlessness  and  because  of  New  York's  back- 
wardness in  formulating  wise  preventive  measures  to 
meet  it,  a  special  study  of  the  West  Side  boy  was  begun. 
.  In  order  to  gain  an  intimate  knowledge  of  neighbor- 
hood conditions  which  affect  the  boy,  two  men  workers, 
Edward  M.  Barrows  and  Clinton  S.  Childs,  went  to 
live  in  the  district,  the  former  remaining  for  nearly 
two  years.  During  their  residence  they  came  in  close 
touch  with  several  gangs  and  clubs  of  boys.  Their 
experiences,  while  they  yielded  some  of  the  most  vital 
and  significant  material  of  our  study,  did  not  lend  them- 
selves to  statistical  treatment;  they  were  not  recorded 
in  the  form  of  family  and  individual  histories,  but  as  a 
running  day-by-day  diary,  which  formed  the  basis  of 
the  chapters  dealing  with  the  activities  and  the  environ- 
ment of  the  boys. 

Since  the  West  Side  boy,  either  through  personal  con- 
tact or  through  association  with  gang  leaders,  is 
inseparable  from  the  Children's  Court,  attention  was 


INTRODUCTION 


naturally  drawn  to  the  extent  and  the  result  of  his 
relation  to  this  institution.  For  this  reason  the  Bureau 
made  a  special  study  of  294  boys  *  selected  from  the 
district  with  particular  reference  to  their  delinquency 
and  their  court  records. f 

Of  these  boys  28  were  under  twelve  years,  71  more 
were  fourteen,  and  102  more  were  under  sixteen.  In 
view  of  these  significant  facts  it  became  necessary  not 
only  to  examine  the  environment  of  the  West  Side  boy, 
but  also  to  estimate  the  influence  of  the  Children's 
Court  and  other  institutions  upon  him  when  tough- 
ness, truancy,  gambling,  or  other  temptations  had 
carried  him  over  the  brink  into  real  delinquency.  That 
society  should  feel  itself  compelled  to  resort  continually 
to  the  arrest  and  trial  of  children  is  in  itself  a  confession 
of  defeat.  But  when  even  these  resources  fail,  it 
becomes  imperative  to  analyze  all  the  factors  in  the 
situation;  to  set  the  destructive  and  the  constructive 
elements  over  against  each  other,  and  to  determine  the 
chances  which  the  boy  and  the  various  public  and  pri- 
vate agencies  organized  to  regenerate  him  have  of 
understanding  one  another. 

To  many  the  study  may  serve  to  show  at  their  doors 
a  world  undreamed  of;  a  world  in  which,  through  causes 
which  are  even  now  removable,  youth  is  denied  the 
universal  rights  of  life,  liberty,  and  happiness.    To  the 

*  The  names  of  the  294  boys  studied  were  obtained  from  the  fol- 
lowing sources:  1909  court  list,  202;  Big  Brother  Movement,  43; 
special  club  studied,  10;  Charity  Organization  Society,  8;  additional 
children  in  families  studied,  20;  known  through  investigators  on 
other  topics,  6;  known  through  other  children,  2;  through  church, 
school,  settlement,  1  each. 

t  See  Chapter  VI,  The  Boy  and  the  Court,  pp.  79  fT. 
xii 


INTRODUCTION 


court  it  may  be  of  use  in  throwing  light  into  dark  places 
and  in  showing  where  old  paths  should  be  abandoned, 
as  well  as  in  offering  suggestions  at  a  critical  period  in 
its  history. 

And,  indeed,  every  suggestion  which  will  tend  to 
lessen  the  troubles  of  the  Middle  West  Side  is  peculiarly 
needed.  The  whole  community — from  molested  prop- 
erty owners  to  the  most  disinterested  social  workers — 
are  agreed  that  the  worst  elements  rule  the  streets  and 
that  neither  police  nor  court  authority  succeed  in  en- 
forcing decency  and  order.  And  the  center  of  the  prob- 
lem is  the  boy,  for  in  him  West  Side  lawlessness  finds 
its  most  perennial  and  permanent  expression. 

The  aim  of  this  study,  therefore,  is  to  trace  the  prin- 
cipal influences  which  have  formed  the  West  Side  boy; 
to  consider  some  of  the  means  which  have  heretofore 
been  employed  to  counteract  these  influences;  and  to 
picture  him  as  he  is,  exemplifying  the  results  of  circum- 
stances for  which  not  he  but  the  entire  community  is 
responsible. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PACE 

Introduction ix 

I.  His   Background I 

II.  His  Playground 10 

III.  His  Games 24 

IV.  His  Gangs 39 

V.  His  Home 55 

VI.  The  Boy  and  the  Court 79 

VII.  The  Center  of  the  Problem  .        .        .         .141 

Appendix. 

Tables 165 

Excerpts  from   Report  of  Children's  Court, 

County  of  New  York,    191 3      .        .        .  177 

Index 201 


XV 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Photographs  by  Lewis  W.  Hine 


FACING 
PAGE 


Just  Boys! Frontispiece 

Tenth  Avenue 4 

Eleventh  ("Death")  Avenue 4 

Bounce  Ball  with  Wall  as  Base.     Property  is  Safe      .  10 

Bounce  Ball  with  Steps  as  Base.     Windows  in  Danger  .  10 

Wading  in  Sewage-laden  Water 20 

A  "Den"  Under  the  Dock 20 

Pigeon  Flying.     A  Roof  Game 28 

Marbles.     A  Street  Game 28 

Prize  Fighters  in  Training 34 

Craps  with  Money  at  Stake 34 

Boy  Scouts  and  Soldiers 40 

After  the  Battle 40 

Resting.    What  Next? 48 

Early  Lessons  in  Craps 48 

Approaching  the  "Gopher"  Age 64 

One  Diversion  of  the  Older  Boys 64 

Replenishing  the  Wood  Box 74 

A  Rich  Find 74 

A  Ball  Game  Near  the  Docks 82 

"Obstructing  Traffic"  on  Twelfth  Avenue      ...  82 

"We  Ain't  Doin'  Nothin'  " 98 

The  Same  Gang  at  Craps 98 

An  Embryo  Gangster 122 

The  "Toughest  Kid"  on  the  Street 122 

Carrying  Loot  from  a  Vacant  Building  .       .       .       .142 

Closed  by  the  Gangs 142 

De  Witt  Clinton  Park 146 

A  Favorite  Playground 146 


LIST  OF  TABLES 
APPENDIX 


i.  Sources   from   which   the  names  of  the  294  boys 

studied  were  obtained 167 

2.  Ages  of  boys 167 

3.  Length  of  residence  in  the  district  of  183  families    .   168 

4.  Country  of  birth  of  parents 168 

5.  Nationality  of  American-born  parents       .        .       .169 

6.  Two  hundred  families  classified  according  to  number 

of  persons  in  households  and  number  of  rooms 

occupied 169 

.    170 
.    170 

•  '7i 

•  >7i 


7.  Living  children  in  231   families   . 

8.  Status  of  mothers  in  222  families 

9.  Conjugal  condition  of  parents  in  233  families 

10.  Relief  records  of  241  families 

11.  Duration  of  relief  records  of  families  known  to  have 

received  aid  from  relief  societies     .        .        .        .172 

12.  Court    disposition   of   cases    involving   454   arrests 

affecting  259  boys  and  221  families       .        .        .    172 

13.  Final  disposition  of  92  West  Side  paroled  cases  and 

of  1,492  paroled  cases  disposed  of  by  the  Man- 
hattan Court  in   1909 173 

14.  Truancy  records  of  215  boys,  classified  as  delinquent 

or  not  delinquent 173 

15.  Status  of  163  boys  not  gainfully  employed  .        .        .174 

16.  Occupation  and  wages  of   100  boys  gainfully  em- 

ployed  175 


CHAPTER   I 
HIS   BACKGROUND 

THE  influence  of  environment  on  character  is 
now  so  fully  recognized  that  no  study  of 
juvenile  offenders  would  be  complete  with- 
out a  consideration  of  their  background.  In  the  lives 
of  the  boys  with  whom  this  study  deals  this  background 
plays  a  very  large  part.  One-third  of  the  241  families 
studied,  82,  are  known  to  have  lived  in  the  district 
from  five  to  nineteen  years,  and  a  somewhat  larger 
number,  88,  for  twenty  years  or  more.*  This  means 
that  the  boys  belonged  almost  completely  to  the  neigh- 
borhood. Most  of  them  had  lived  there  all  their  lives, 
and  many  of  them  always  will  live  there.  If  they  are 
to  be  understood  aright,  this  neighborhood  which  has 
given  them  home,  schooling,  streets  to  play  in,  and 
factories  to  work  in  must  also  be  pictured  and  under- 
stood. 

In  New  York,  owing  perhaps  to  the  shape  of  the 
island,  the  juxtaposition  of  tenement  and  mansion  is 
unusually  frequent.  Walk  five  blocks  along  Forty- 
second  Street  west  from  Fifth  Avenue  and  you  are  in 
the  heart  of  the  Middle  West  Side.  The  very  sud- 
denness of  the  change  which  these  blocks  present  makes 
the  contrast  between  wealth  and  poverty  more  strik- 
ing and  enables  you  to  appreciate  the  particular  form 

*  Thirteen  families  had  lived  in  the  district  less  than  five  years, 
and  the  length  of  residence  of  58  families  was  not  ascertained.  See 
Appendix,  Table  3,  p.  168. 

I 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

taken  by  poverty  in  this  part  of  the  city.  Eighth 
Avenue,  at  which  our  district  begins,  looks  east  for 
inspiration  and  west  for  patronage.  It  is  the  West 
Sider's  Broadway  and  Fifth  Avenue  combined.  Here 
he  promenades,  buys  his  clothes,  travels  up  and  down 
town  on  the  cars,  or  waits  at  night  in  the  long  queue 
before  the  entrance  to  a  moving  picture  show.  The 
pavement  is  flanked  by  rows  of  busy  stores;  saloons 
and  small  hotels  occupy  the  street  corners.  There  is 
plenty  of  life  and  movement,  and  as  yet  no  obvious 
poverty.  On  Saturdays  and  "sale"  days,  the  neigh- 
borhood department  stores  swarm  with  custom. 

Ninth  Avenue  has  its  elevated  railroad,  and  suffers 
in  consequence  from  noise,  darkness,  and  congestion  of 
traffic.  Here  the  storekeeper  can  no  longer  rely  on  his 
window  to  attract  customers.  He  knows  the  necessity 
of  forceful  advertising,  and  his  bedsteads  and  vegetables, 
wooden  Indians  and  show  cases,  everywhere  encroach 
upon  the  sidewalk.  On  Saturday  nights  "  Paddy's 
Market"  *  flares  in  the  open  street,  supplying  for  a  few 
hours  a  picturesqueness  which  is  greatly  needed.  Poor 
and  untidy  as  this  avenue  is,  the  small  tradesmen  who 
live  in  it  profess  to  look  down  on  their  less  prosperous 
neighbors  nearer  the  river. 

West  of  Ninth  Avenue  tenements  begin  and  rents 
decrease.  At  Tenth  Avenue,  where  red  and  yellow 
crosstown  cars  swing  round  the  corner  from  Forty- 
second  Street,  you  have  reached  the  center  of  the  West 
Side  wage-earning  community,  and  a  street  which  on 
a  bright  day  is  almost  attractive.     Four  stories  of  red 

*  Pushcart  vendors  gather  here  and  line  the  sidewalks,  and  the 
neighborhood  shops  and  markets  display  their  wares  on  outdoor 
stands  to  attract  the  Saturday  night  trade. 


HIS    BACKGROUND 

brick  tenements  surmount  the  plate  glass  of  saloons 
and  shops.  Here  and  there  immense  colored  adver- 
tisements of  tobacco  or  breakfast  foods  flame  from 
windowless  side  walls,  and  the  ever-present  three  brass 
balls  gleam  merrily  in  the  sunlight.  But  the  poverty 
is  unmistakable.  You  see  it  in  the  tradesman's  well- 
substantiated  boast  that  here  is  "the  cheapest  house 
for  furniture  and  carpets  in  the  city."  You  see  it  in 
the  small  store,  eking  out  an  existence  with  cigars  and 
toys  and  candy.  You  see  it  in  the  ragged  coats  and 
broken  shoes  of  the  boys  playing  in  the  street;  in  the 
bareheaded,  poorly  dressed  women  carrying  home  their 
small  purchases  in  oil-cloth  bags;  in  the  grocer's  amaz- 
ing values  in  "strictly  fresh"  eggs;  in  the  ablebodied 
loafers  who  lounge  in  the  vicinity  of  the  corner  saloon, 
subsisting  presumably  on  the  toil  of  more  conscientious 
brothers  and  sisters.  And  in  one  other  feature  besides 
its  indigence  Tenth  Avenue  is  typical  of  this  district. 
At  the  corner  of  Fiftieth  Street  stands  the  shell  of  what 
was  once  a  flourishing  settlement,  and  beside  it  a 
smaller  building  which  was  once  a  church.  Both,  as 
regards  their  original  uses,  are  now  deserted.  Both  are 
a  concrete  expression  not  merely  of  failure,  but  of  fail- 
ure acquiesced  in.  These  West  Side  streets  are  more 
than  poor.  They  have  ceased  to  struggle  in  their 
slough  of  despond,  and  have  forgotten  to  be  dissatisfied 
with  their  poverty. 

Eleventh  Avenue  is  much  more  dirty  and  disconso- 
late. In  its  dingy  tenements  live  some  of  the  poorest 
and  most  degraded  families  of  this  district.  On  the 
west  side  of  the  avenue  and  lining  the  cross  streets  are 
machine  shops,  gas  tanks,  abattoirs,  breweries,  ware- 
houses,  piano  factories,   and  coal  and   lumber  yards 

3 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

whose  barges  cluster  around  the  nearby  piers.  Sixty 
years  ago  this  avenue,  in  contrast  to  the  fair  farm  land 
upon  which  the  rest  of  the  district  grew  up,  was  a 
stretch  of  barren  and  rocky  shore,  ending  at  Forty- 
second  Street  in  the  flat  unhealthy  desolation  of  the 
Great  Kill  Swamp.  Land  in  such  a  deserted  neighbor- 
hood was  cheap  and  little  sought  for,  and  permission 
to  use  it  was  readily  given  to  the  Hudson  River  Rail- 
road.* Today  the  franchise,  still  continued  under  its 
old  conditions,  is  an  anomaly.  All  day  and  night,  to 
and  from  the  Central's  yard  at  Thirtieth  Street,  long 
freight  trains  pass  hourly  through  the  heterogeneous 
mass  of  trucks,  pedestrians,  and  playing  children;  and 
though  they  now  go  slowly  and  a  flagman  stands  at 
every  corner,  "  Death  Avenue"  undoubtedly  deserves 
its  name. 

De  Witt  Clinton  Park,  the  only  puolic  play  space  in 
the  district,  lies  westward  between  Fifty-second  and 
Fifty-fourth  Streets.  It  is  better  known  as  "The 
Lane"  from  days,  not  so  long  ago,  when  a  pathway 
here  ran  down  to  the  river,  and  on  either  side  of  it  the 
last  surviving  farm  land  gave  the  tenement  children  a 
playground,  and  the  young  couples  of  the  neighborhood 
a  place  to  stroll  in.  The  usual  well  kept  and  restrained 
air  of  a  small  city  park  is  very  noticeable  here.  There 
is  almost  no  grass,  the  swings  and  running  tracks  are, 
perhaps  necessarily,  caged  by  tall  iron  fences,  and  unin- 
teresting asphalt  paths  cover  a  considerable  part  of  the 
limited  area.  A  large  stone  pergola,  though  of  course 
it  has  obvious  uses,  somehow  deepens  the  impression 
that  an  opportunity  was  lost  in  the  laying  out  of  this 

*See  Cartwright,  O.  G.:  The  Middle  West  Side:  A  Historical 
Sketch.  (West  Side  Studies.)  Russell  Sage  Foundation  Publica- 
tion.    In  Press. 


Tenth  Avenue 


Eleventh  ("Death")  Avenue 


HIS    BACKGROUND 

place.  At  one  side  of  the  pergola,  however,  lie  the 
plots  of  the  school  farm  in  which  small  groups  of 
boys  and  girls  may  often  be  seen  at  work.  Little  at- 
tempt has  been  made  to  develop  a  play  center  in  the 
park.  On  a  fine  Saturday  afternoon  it  is  often  prac- 
tically empty.* 

Twelfth  Avenue  adjoins  the  Hudson  River,  los- 
ing itself  here  and  there  in  wharves  and  pier- 
heads. Two  of  the  piers  belong  to  the  city,  one 
being  devoted  to  the  disposal  of  garbage,  the  other 
to  recreation.  Factories  and  an  occasional  saloon  are 
on  the  inland  side,  but  there  are  almost  no  shacks  or 
tenements. 

At  first  sight  there  are  no  striking  features  about  the 
Middle  West  Side.  Hand-to-mouth  existence  reduces 
living  to  a  universal  sameness  which  has  little  time  or 
place  for  variety.  In  street  after  street  are  the  same 
crowded  and  unsanitary  tenements;  the  same  untended 
groups  of  playing  children;  the  same  rough  men  gath- 
ered round  the  stores  and  saloons  on  the  avenue;  the 
same  sluggish  women  grouped  on  the  steps  of  the  ten- 
ements in  the  cross  streets.  The  visitor  will  find  no 
rambling  shacks,  no  conventional  criminal's  alleys; 
only  square,  dull,  monotonous  ugliness,  much  dirt,  and 
a  great  deal  of  apathy. 

The  very  lack  of  salient  features  is  the  supreme  char- 

*  The  People's  Institute  has  undertaken,  January,  1914,  a  neigh- 
borhood work,  which  will  correlate  and  broaden  the  various  recre- 
ation activities  now  going  on  in  the  Middle  West  Side.  A  social 
center  has  been  opened  in  Public  School  17,  on  West  Forty-seventh 
Street,  on  the  initiative  of  the  local  school  board.  The  People's 
Institute  has  taken  executive  charge  of  the  work.  About  this  cen- 
ter there  will  be  focused  a  neighborhood  movement,  which  will 
work  in  DeWitt  Clinton  playground,  on  West  Fiftieth  Street  pier, 
in  the  public  libraries,  and  on  the  streets. 

5 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

acteristic  of  this  neighborhood.  The  most  noticeable 
fact  about  it  is  that  there  is  nothing  to  notice.  It  is 
earmarked  by  negativeness.  There  is  usually  a  life- 
lessness  about  the  streets  and  buildings,  even  at  their 
best,  which  is  reflected  in  the  attitude  of  the  people 
who  live  in  them.  The  whole  scene  is  dull,  drab,  unin- 
teresting, totally  devoid  of  the  color  and  picturesque- 
ness  which  give  to  so  many  poor  districts  a  character 
and  fascination  of  their  own.  Tenth  Avenue  and  the 
streets  west  of  it  are  lacking  in  the  crowds  and  bustle 
and  brilliant  lights  of  the  East  Side.  Eleventh  Avenue 
by  night  is  almost  dark,  and  throughout  the  district 
are  long  stretches  of  poorly  lit  cross  streets  in  which  only 
the  dingy  store  windows  shine  feebly.  Over  the  East 
River  great  bridges  throw  necklaces  of  light  across 
the  water;  here  the  North  River  is  dark  and  un- 
spanned. 

What  is  it  that  has  brought  about  this  condition? 
Why  is  this  part  of  New  York  so  utterly  featureless  and 
depressing?  The  answer  lies  primarily  not  with  the 
present  or  past  inhabitants,  but  in  the  isolation  and 
neglect  to  which  for  years  it  has  been  subjected.  Much 
of  the  Middle  West  Side  was  once  naturally  attractive, 
with  prosperous  homesteads  and  cottages  with  gar- 
dens.* But  while  other  parts  of  Manhattan  were  being 
developed  as  a  city,  the  Middle  West  Side  was  left 
severely  alone.  It  was  one  of  the  last  sections  of  the 
city  to  become  thickly  populated.  When  the  first  fac- 
tories arrived,  they  brought  the  tenements  in  their 
wake.  The  worst  kinds  of  tenements  were  hastily 
built — anything  was  supposed  to  be  good  enough  for 
the  poor  Irish  who  settled  there;  and  these  tenements 

*  See  Cartwright,  op.  cit.     In  Press. 

6 


HIS    BACKGROUND 

e  long  survived  in  spite  of  their  dilapidated  condi- 
i  because  until  recently  there  has  been  no  one  who 
cared  for  the  rough  and  dull  West  Sider.  East  Side 
problems  were  much  more  picturesque  and  inviting. 
So  our  district  has  grown  up  under  a  heritage  of  deso- 
lation and  neglect,  uninteresting  to  look  at,  unpleasant 
to  live  in,  overlooked,  unsympathized  with,  and  neg- 
lected into  aloofness,  till  today  its  static  population 
is  almost  isolated  from  and  little  affected  by  the  life  of 
the  rest  of  the  city.  The  casual  little  horse  car  which 
jingles  up  Tenth  Avenue  four  times  an  hour  is  typical 
of  the  West  Sider's  home,  just  as  the  Draft  Riots  of 
1863  were  typical  of  his  temper. 

The  nationalities  which  largely  form  the  basis  of  the 
population  on  the  Middle  West  Side  are  the  German 
and  the  Irish,  the  latter  predominating.*  Peculiar  to 
the  district  is  the  large  number  of  families  of  the  second 
generation  with  parents  who  have  been  born  and 
'«  brought  up  in  the  immediate  neighborhood. 

The  nationality  of  the  American-born  parents  throws 
additional  light  on  the  subject  of  racial  make-up  of 
the  population.!  There  were  81  American-born  fathers 
and  92  American-born  mothers  in  the  241  families. 
The  parentage  of  67  American-born  fathers  for  whom 
information  was  available  was  as  follows:  28,  German; 

*  See  Anthony,  Katharine:  Mothers  Who  Must  Earn,  p.  7. 
(West  Side  Studies.)  Russell  Sage  Foundation  Publication.  New 
York,  Survey  Associates,  19 14. 

t  Of  222  fathers  whose  country  of  birth  was  known,  81  were  born 
in  the  United  States,  64  in  Ireland,  27  in  Germany,  and  17  in  Italy. 
Other  countries  were  represented  by  numbers  ranging  from  seven  to 
one.  Among  227  mothers,  the  United  States  was  given  as  the  place 
of  birth  of  92;  Ireland,  of  72;  Germany,  of  18;  Italy,  of  15.  The 
numbers  from  other  countries  ranged  from  eight  to  one.  The  country 
of  birth  of  19  fathers  and  of  14  mothers  in  the  241  families  could  not 
be  ascertained. 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

21,  Irish;  15,  American;  and  3,  English.  The  paren- 
tage of  73  American-born  mothers  was:  28,  German; 
25,  Irish;  18,  American;  and  2,  English.  The  country 
of  birth  of  parents  of  14  of  the  American-born  fathers 
and  19  of  the  American-born  mothers  could  not  be 
ascertained.* 

We  are  accustomed  to  regard  the  German  as  the  best 
of  European  emigrants.  He  brings  with  him  a  thrift 
and  solidity  which  have  taught  us  to  depend  on  him. 
He  has  been  a  welcome  immigrant  as  he  has  become  a 
successful  citizen.  Yet  here  are  large  numbers  of  Ger- 
mans living  in  a  wild  no-man's-land  which  has  a  crimi- 
nal record  scarcely  surpassed  by  any  other  district  in 
New  York.  Surely  this  is  more  than  a  case  of  the 
exception  proving  the  rule.  It  shows  that  our  esti- 
mate of  the  Middle  West  Side  is  correct. 

The  district  is  like  a  spider's  web.  Of  those  who 
come  to  it  very  few,  either  by  their  own  efforts,  or 
•through  outside  agency,  ever  leave  it.  Now  and  then 
a  boy  is  taken  to  the  country  or  a  family  moves  to  the 
Bronx,  but  this  happens  comparatively  seldom.  Usu- 
ally those  who  come  to  live  here  find  at  first  (like 
Yorick's  starling)  that  they  cannot  get  out,  and  pres- 
ently that  they  do  not  want  to.  It  is  not  that  condi- 
tions throughout  the  district  are  economically  extreme, 
although  greater  misery  and  worse  poverty  cannot  be 
found  in  other  parts  of  New  York.  But  there  is  some- 
thing in  the  dullness  of  these  West  Side  streets  and  the 
traditional  apathy  of  their  tenants  that  crushes  the 
wish  for  anything  better  and  kills  the  hope  of  change. 
It  is  as  though  decades  of  lawlessness  and  neglect  have 
formed  an  atmospheric  monster,  beyond  the  power  and 

*  See  Appendix,  Tables  4  and  5,  pp.  168  and  169. 

8 


HIS    BACKGROUND 

understanding  of  its  creators,  overwhelming  German 
and  Irish  alike. 

Such,  in  brief,  is  the  background  of  the  West  Side 
boy.  It  is  a  gray  picture,  so  gray  that  the  casual  visi- 
tor to  these  streets  may  think  it  over-painted.  But 
this  is  because  a  superficial  glance  at  the  Middle  West 
Side  is  peculiarly  misleading.  So  much  lies  below  the 
surface.  It  is  obvious  that  this  district  has  come  to 
be  singularly  unattractive,  and  that  its  methods  of  life 
are  extraordinarily  rough.  And  it  is  equally  true  that 
hundreds  of  boys  never  know  any  other  place  or  life 
than  this,  and  that  most  of  their  offenses  against  the 
law  are  the  direct  result  of  their  surroundings.  The 
charges  brought  against  them  in  court  are  only  in  part 
against  the  boys  themselves.  The  indictment  is  in  the 
main  against  the  city  which  considers  itself  the  greatest 
and  most  progressive  in  the  New  World,  for  allowing 
any  of  its  children  to  start  the  battle  of  life  so  poorly 
equipped  and  so  handicapped  for  becoming  efficient 
American  citizens.  Not  that  these  youngsters  have 
not  their  share  of  "devilment"  and  original  sin,  but  in 
estimating  the  work  of  the  juvenile  court  with  the  boys 
of  this  neighborhood,  it  is  absolutely  essential  to  bear 
in  mind  not  only  the  crimes  they  commit,  but  their 
chances  for  escaping  criminality.  If  heredity  and  en- 
vironment have  any  meaning,  Tenth  Avenue  has  much 
to  answer  for. 


CHAPTER   II 
HIS  PLAYGROUND 

THE  boy  himself  is  blissfully  untroubled  by  any 
serious  thoughts  about  his  background;  and 
to  him  these  streets  are  as  a  matter  of  course 
a  place  to  play  in.  This  point  of  view  is  perfectly 
natural  for  several  reasons: 

In  the  first  place,  he  has  never  known  any  other 
playground.  At  the  earliest  possible  stage  of  in- 
fancy he  is  turned  out,  perhaps  under  an  older  sister's 
supervision,  to  crawl  over  the  steps  of  the  tenement 
or  tumble  about  in  the  gutter  in  front  of  it,  watching 
with  large  eyes  the  new  sights  around  him.  Here  he 
is  put  to  play,  and  here  he  learns  to  imitate  the  street 
and  sidewalk  games  of  other  boys  and  girls.  He  is 
scarcely  to  be  blamed  for  a  point  of  view  so  univer- 
sally held  that  it  never  occurs  to  him  to  doubt  it. 

In  the  second  place,  the  street  is  the  place  that  he 
must  play  in,  whether  he  wants  to  or  not.  There  is 
no  room  for  him  in  the  house;  the  janitor  usually 
chases  him  off  the  roof.  Excepting  De  Witt  Clinton 
Park,  which,  as  has  been  shown,  is  small,  restricted, 
and  inadequate,  there  is  no  park  on  the  West  Side 
between  Seventy-second  and  Twenty-eighth  Streets. 
Central  Park  and  New  Jersey  are  too  inaccessible  to  be 
his  regular  playgrounds.  And  besides,  not  only  will 
a  boy  not  go  far  afield  for  his  games,  but  he  cannot. 
He  is  often  needed  at  home  after  school  hours  to  run 

10 


Bounce  Ball  with  Wall  as  Base 
Property  is  safe 


*f-T>*v< 


?f   ^J* 
1 


Bounce  Ball  with  Steps  as  Base 
Windows  in  danger 


HIS    PLAYGROUND 

errands  and  make  himself  generally  useful.  Moreover, 
to  go  any  distance  involves  a  question  of  food  and 
transportation;  so  that  except  at  times  of  truancy  and 
wanderlust,  or  when  he  is  away  on  some  baseball  or 
other  expedition,  the  street  inevitably  claims  him. 

And  in  the  third  place,  just  because  this  playground 
is  so  natural  and  so  inevitable,  he  becomes  attached 
to  it.  It  is  the  earliest,  latest,  and  greatest  influence 
in  his  life.  Long  before  he  knew  his  alphabet  it  began 
to  educate  him,  and  before  he  could  toddle  it  was  his 
nursery.  Every  possible  minute  from  babyhood  to 
early  manhood  is  spent  in  it.  Every  day,  winter  and 
summer,  he  is  here  off  and  on  from  early  morning  till 
10  o'clock  at  night.  It  gives  him  a  training  in  which 
school  is  merely  a  repressive  interlude.  From  the 
quiet  of  the  class  room  he  hears  its  voice,  and  when 
lessons  are  over  it  shouts  a  welcome  at  the  door.  The 
attractions  that  it  offers  ever  vary.  Now  a  funeral, 
now  a  fire;  "craps"  on  the  sidewalk;  a  stolen  ride  on 
one  of  Death  Avenue's  freight  trains;  a  raid  on  a  fruit 
stall;  a  fight,  an  accident,  a  game  of  "cat" — always 
fresh  incident  and  excitement,  always  nerve-racking 
kaleidoscopic  confusion. 

No  wonder,  then,  that  the  streets  are  regarded  by 
the  boy  as  his  rightful  playground.  They  are  the  most 
constant  and  vivid  part  of  his  life.  They  provide  com- 
panionship, invite  to  recklessness,  and  offer  conceal- 
ment. Every  year  their  attraction  grows  stronger,  till 
their  lure  becomes  irresistible  and  his  life  is  swallowed 
up  in  theirs. 

But  unfortunately  for  the  boy  everyone  does  not 
agree  with  him  as  to  his  right  of  possession.  The 
storekeeper,  for  instance,  insists  on  the  incompatibility 

1 1 


\ 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

of  a  vigorous  street  ball  game  with  the  safety  of  his 
plate  glass  windows.  Drivers  not  unreasonably  main- 
tain that  the  road  is  for  traffic  rather  than  for  marbles 
or  stone  throwing.  Property  owner,  pedestrian,  the 
hardworking  citizen,  each  has  a  point  erf  view  which 
does  not  altogether  favor  the  playground  theory.  At 
the  very  outset  of  his  career,  therefore,  in  attempting 
to  exercise  childhood's  inalienable  right  to  play,  the 
boy  finds  himself  colliding  with  the  rights  of  property; 
the  maintenance  of  public  safety,  the  enforcement  of 
law  and  order,  and  other  things  equally  puzzling  and 
annoying,  all  apparently  united  in  being  inimical  to 
his  ideas  of  amusement.  He  is  too  young  to  under- 
stand that  in  his  city's  scheme  children  were  forgotten. 
No  one  can  explain  to  him  that  he  has  been  born  in  a 
congested  area  where  lack  of  play  space  must  be  ac- 
cepted patiently;  that  life  is  a  process  of  give  and 
take  in  which  the  rights  of  others  demand  as  much 
respect  as  his  own.  He  does  not  know  that  his  dilemma 
is  the  problem  which  eternally  confronts  the  city  child. 
But  he  does  know  that  he  must  play.  He  has  a  store 
of  nervous  energy  and  animal  spirits  which  simply  must 
be  let  loose.  Yet  when  he  tries  to  play  under  the  only 
conditions  possible  to  him  he  is  hampered  and  repressed 
at  every  turn.  Inevitably  he  revolts;  and  long  before 
he  is  old  enough  to  learn  why  most  of  his  street  games 
^  are  illegal,  fun  and  law-breaking  have  become  to  him 
inseparable,  and  the  policeman  his  natural  enemy. 

So  far  the  boy's  attitude  is  normal.  Childish  antag- 
onism to  arbitrary  authority  is  natural.  In  any  large 
town  it  extends  to  the  police.  All  over  New  York 
games  are  played  with  one  eye  on  the  corner  and  often 
with  a  small  scout  or  two  on  the  watch  for  the  "cop." 

12 


HIS    PLAYGROUND 


But  at  this  point  two  facts  differentiate  the  Middle 
West  Side  from  the  rest  of  the  city,  and  make  its  situa- 
tion peculiar.  On  the  one  hand,  the  parents  and  older 
people  of  the  district,  instead  of  showing  the  usual  in- 
difference or  at  most  a  passive  antipathy  toward  the 
police,  openly  conspire  against  and  are  actively  hostile 
to  them.  On  the  other,  the  police,  largely  because  of 
this  neighborhood  feeling,  are  utterly  unable  to  cope 
with  the  lawless  conditions  which  they  find  around 
them. 

This  state  of  things  has  been  brought  about  in  vari- 
ous ways.  The  lurid  record  of  criminals  in  the  district 
has  for  years  necessitated  methods  of  policing  which 
have  not  made  the  Irish  temper  any  less  excitable. 
Public  sentiment  here  is  almost  static,  and  hatred  of 
the  police  has  become  a  tradition.  No  one  has  a  good 
word  for  them;  everyone's  hand  is  against  them.  The 
boys  look  on  them  as  spoil-sports  and  laugh  at  their 
authority.  The  toughs  and  gangsters  are  at  odds  with 
them  perforce.  Fathers  and  mothers,  resenting  the 
trivial  arrests  of  their  children,  consign  the  "cop," 
the  "dinny"  (detective),  and  "the  Gerrys"  to  outer 
darkness  together.  The  better  class  of  residents  and 
property  owners,  though  their  own  failure  to  properly 
support  them  is  partly  to  blame  for  the  failure  of  the 
police  to  do  their  duty,  frankly  distrust  them  for  being 
so  completely  incompetent  and  ineffective.  And  now 
perhaps  no  one  would  dare  to  support  them.  For  the 
toughs  of  the  district  have  taken  the  law  into  their 
own  hands,  and  with  the  relentlessness  and  certainty 
of  a  Corsican  vendetta  every  injury  received  by  them 
is  repaid,  sooner  or  later,  by  some  act  of  pitiless  retali- 
ation.    Honest  or  dishonest,  successful  or  otherwise, 

'3 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

the  policeman  certainly  has  a  hard  time  of  it.  Wher- 
ever he  goes  he  is  dangerously  unpopular.  He  cannot 
be  safely  active  or  inactive,  and  whatever  he  does 
seems  to  add  to  his  difficulties.  Hectored  on  duty, 
frequently  bullied  in  court,  misunderstood  and  abused 
by  press  and  public  alike,  he  stands  out  solitary,  the 
butt  and  buffer  of  the  neighborhood's  disorder. 

It  is  scarcely  remarkable  that  under  these  circum- 
stances the  guardian  of  the  law  is  bewildered,  and 
tends  to  become  unreasonably  touchy  and  suspicious. 
"  1  tried  to  start  a  club  in  a  saloon  on  Fiftieth  Street 
a  while  ago,"  said  a  young  Irishman  of  twenty-five. 
"After  we  had  had  the  club  running  one  night,  a  police- 
man came  in  and  asked  me  for  my  license.  I  told  him 
I  didn't  have  any.  He  said  he  would  have  to  break 
up  the  club  then.  I  kicked  about  this  and  he  pinched 
me.  They  brought  me  up  for  trial  next  morning,  and 
the  judge  told  me  I  would  have  to  close  up  my  club. 
I  asked  him  why,  and  said  the  club  was  perfectly 
orderly  and  was  just  made  up  of  young  fellows  in  the 
neighborhood;  and  he  said,  'Well,  your  club  has  a 
bad  reputation,  and  you've  got  to  break  it  up.'  Now, 
how  could  a  club  have  a  bad  reputation  when  it  had 
only  been  running  one  day?  Tell  me  that?  But  that's 
the  way  of  it.  Those  cops  will  give  you  a  bad  repu- 
tation in  five  minutes  if  you  never  had  one  before  in 
your  life."  "The  cops  are  always  arresting  us  and 
letting  us  go  again,"  said  a  small  West  Sider.  "  I've 
been  taken  up  two  or  three  times  for  throwing  stones 
and  playing  ball,  but  they  never  took  me  to  the  station 
house  yet.  You  can't  play  baseball  anywhere  around 
here  without  the  cops  getting  you."  And  so  it  has 
come  about  that  relations  between  police  and  people 

14 


HIS    PLAYGROUND 

in  this  section  of  New  York  are  abnormally  strained. 
Provocation  is  followed  by  reaction,  and  reaction  by 
reprisal  and  a  constant  aggravation  of  annoyances,  till 
the  tension  continually  reaches  breaking  point. 

This  situation  shows  very  definite  results  in  the  boy. 
Gradually  his  play  becomes  more  and  more  mischievous 
as  he  finds  it  easier  to  evade  capture.  Boylike,  his 
delight  in  wanton  and  malicious  destruction  is  in- 
creased by  the  knowledge  that  he  will  probably  escape 
punishment.  Six-year-old  Dennis  opens  the  door  of 
the  Children's  Aid  Society  school  and  throws  a  large 
stone  into  the  hall  full  of  children.  Another  youngster 
of  about  the  same  age  recently  was  seen  trying  for 
several  minutes  to  break  one  of  the  street  lamps.  He 
threw  stone  after  stone  until  finally  the  huge  globe  fell 
with  a  crash  that  could  have  been  heard  a  block.  Then 
he  ran  off  down  the  street  and  disappeared  around  the 
corner.  No  one  attempted  to  stop  him;  no  one  would 
tell  who  he  was.  Later  on,  the  boy  begins  to  admire 
and  model  himself  on  the  perpetrators  of  picturesque 
crimes  whom  he  sees  walking  unarrested  in  the  streets 
around  him.  And  by  the  time  that  he  reaches  the 
gang  age  he  is  usually  a  hardened  little  ruffian  whom 
the  safety  of  numbers  encourages  to  carry  his  play  to 
intolerable  lengths.  He  robs,  steals,  gets  drunk,  carries 
firearms,  and  his  propensity  for  fighting  with  stones 
and  bottles  is  so  marked  that  for  days  whole  streets 
have  been  terrorized  by  his  feuds.  Insurance  com- 
panies either  ask  prohibitive  rates  for  window  glass  in 
this  neighborhood  or  flatly  refuse  to  insure  it  at  all. 

Meanwhile  the  police  are  not  idle.  Public  opinion 
and  their  own  records  at  the  station  house  demand  a 
certain  amount  of  activity,  and  every  week  the  play- 

»5 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

ground  sees  its  arrests.  In  the  following  table  we 
have  classified  by  causes,  from  our  own  intimate  knowl- 
edge of  each  individual  case,  the  arrests  which  took 
place  during  1909  among  the  boys  of  our  241  families. 
The  court's  legal  system  of  classification  has  been  dis- 
carded here  in  favor  of  the  classification  made  to 
show  the  real  nature  of  each  offense.  The  result 
illustrates  how  entirely  police  intervention  has  failed 
to  meet  the  issue  in  the  district,  and  consequently 
explains  in  part  why  the  work  of  the  children's  court 
with  boys  from  this  neighborhood  has  not  proved  more 
effectual. 


OFFENSES  IN  463  CASES  OF  ARREST  AS  CLASSIFIED 
IN  THE  BUREAU  OF  SOCIAL  RESEARCH* 

Offenses  of  vagrancy  and  neglect: 

Truancy 38 

Begging 3 

Selling  papers  at  ten 18 

Selling  papers  without  a  badge 5 

Run-away 7 

Sleeping  in  halls  and  on  roofs 6 

Improper  guardianship 12 

General  incorrigibility 23 

Total 112 

Offenses  due  to  play: 

Playing  ball 20 

Playing  cat 3 

Playing  shinny 2 

Pitching  craps 26 

Pitching  pennies 9 

Throwing  stones  and  other  missiles 44 

Building  fires  in  the  street 15 

Fighting 6 

Total 125 

■  For  the  classification  of  these  arrests  according  to  the  court 
charges  see  Chapter  VI,  The  Boy  and  the  Court,  p.  82. 

16 


HIS    PLAYGROUND 

Offenses  against  persons: 

Assault 5 

Stabbing 4 

Use  of  firearms 3 

Immorality o 

Intoxication 1 

Total 13 

Offenses  against  property: 

Illegal  use  of  transfers 1 

Petty  thievery 58 

Serious  thievery 18 

Burglary,  i.  e.,  breaking  into  houses  and  theft.  36 

Forgery o 

Breaking  windows 4 

Picking  pockets 2 

Total 1 19 

Offenses  of  mischief  and  annoyance: 

Upsetting  ash  cans 2 

Shouting  and  singing 6 

Breaking  arc  lights 3 

Loitering,  jostling,  etc 12 

Stealing  rides  on  cars 4 

Profanity 1 

Total 28 

Unknown 73 

Total 470 

Deducting  duplicates 7 

Grand  Total 463 

Not  only  is  this  table  extraordinarily  interesting  in 
itself,  but  its  importance  to  our  investigation  is  ines- 
timable, because  it  brings  out  certain  features  of  the 
problem  with  a  vividness  which  could  not  be  equaled 
in  pages  of  discussion  or  narrative. 

On  the  one  hand,  it  is  noticeable  how  large  a  propor- 

17 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

tion  of  the  arrests  are  for  offenses  which  are  more  or 
less  excusable  in  these  boys.    Almost  every  one  of  their 
offenses  is  due  to  one  of  four  causes:    neglect  on  the 
part  of  the  parent,  the  pressure  of  poverty,  the  expres- 
sion of  pure  boyish  spirits,  or  the  attempt  to  play. 
Thievery,  for  instance,  particularly  the  stealing  of  coal 
from  the  docks  or  railroad  tracks,  is  quite  often  encour- 
aged at  home.     "Johnnie  is  a  good  boy,"  said  one 
mother  quite  frankly.     "  He  keeps  the  coal  and  wood 
box  full  nearly  all  the  time.     I  don't  have  to  buy 
none."    And  her  attitude  is  typical.    Shouting  and 
singing  too,  and  even  loitering,  do  not  seem  on  the 
face  of  them  overwhelmingly  wicked.    Of  course,  boys 
sometimes  choose  the  most  impossible  times  and  places 
in  which  to  shout  and  sing,  but  is  no  allowance  to  be 
made  for  "  the  spirit  of  youth"?    And  as  for  the  arrests 
for  play,  they  speak  for  themselves.     Some  of  these 
games,  played  when  and  where  they  are  played,  are 
unquestionably  dangerous  to  passersby  and  property, 
while  others  are  simply  forms  of  gambling.     But  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  West  Side  boy  has  no- 
where else  to  play;  that  his  games  are  the  games  which 
he  sees  around  him,  and  he  plays  them  because  no  one 
has  taught  him  anything  better.     The  policeman,  how- 
ever, has  no  interest  in  the  responsibility  of  the  boys 
f  for  their  offenses;  he  is  concerned  merely  with  offenses 
\    as  such,  and  his  arrests  must  be  determined  chiefly  by 
opportunity  and  by  rule.    All  that  we  can  ask  of  him 
is  to  be  tolerant,  broad-minded,  and  sympathetic — a 
request  with  which  he  will  find  it  difficult  enough  to 
comply  if  only  because  of  the  atmosphere  of  hostility 
against  him. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  remarkable  how  seldom  the 
18 


HIS    PLAYGROUND 

boys  are  caught  for  very  serious  offenses.*  Most  of 
the  arrests  shown  here  are  for  causes  which  are  com- 
paratively trifling.  Yet  the  whole  neighborhood  seethes 
with  the  worst  kinds  of  criminality,  and  many  of  the 
boys  are  almost  incredibly  vicious.  Stabbing,  assault, 
the  use  of  firearms,  acts  of  immorality,  do  not  appear 
in  this  table  to  an  extent  remotely  approximating  the 
frequency  with  which  they  occur.  In  other  words,  the 
police  absolutely  fail  to  cover  the  ground.  Although 
a  large  proportion  of  arrests  does  take  place,  they  are 
mostly  on  less  important  charges,  and  often  involve 
any  one  but  the  young  criminal  whose  capture  is  really 
desirable.  The  little  sister  of  one  boy  who  was  "  taken" 
expressed  the  position  exactly  when  she  said,  "The  only 
time  Jimmy  was  caught  was  when  he  wasn't  doin'  any- 
thing bad." 

In  this  way  it  happens  that  the  fact  of  a  boy's  arrest 
is  no  clue  to  his  character.  Again  and  again  boys  "  get 
away  with"  their  worst  crimes,  secretly  committed,  in 
which  they  are  protected  from  discovery  by  the  neigh- 
borhood's code  of  ethics;  whereas  for  minor  offenses, 
of  which  they  are  openly  guilty,  they  are  far  more  likely 
to  be  arrested.  Some  of  the  worst  offenders  may  never 
be  caught  at  all.  And  if  one  of  them  is  taken,  it  is 
probably  for  some  technical  misdemeanor  which  the 
officer  has  used  less  for  its  own  importance  than  as  a 
pretext  for  getting  the  boy  into  court.  What  is  the 
result?  The  policeman  is  lectured  by  the  judge  for 
being  an  oppressor  of  the  poor,  and  the  boy  is  dis- 
charged, though  his  previous  record  would  entitle  him 
to  a  severe  sentence,  as  both  boy  and  policeman  know. 

Not  unnaturally,  respect  for  the  court  is  soon  lost, 

*  See  Chapter  VI,  pp.  95  ff. 

19 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

and  an  arrest  quickly  comes  to  be  treated  with  indif- 
ference, or  is  looked  upon  merely  as  a  piece  of  bad  luck, 
like  a  licking  or  a  broken  window.  One  boy  recounted 
recently  with  amusement  how  he  moved  the  judge  to 
let  him  off:  "  I  put  on  a  solemn  face  and  says,  'Judge, 
I  didn't  mean  to  do  it;  I'll  promise  not  to  do  it  again,' 
and  a  lot  of  stuff  like  that,  and  the  judge  gives  me  a 
talkin'  to  and  lets  me  go."  "Gee,  that  court  was 
easy!"  was  the  comment  of  another.  "You  can  get 
away  with  anything  down  there  except  murder."  Ex- 
periences in  the  juvenile  court  are  invariably  related 
with  a  boyish  contempt  for  the  judges,  who  are  looked 
upon  either  as  "easy  guys  to  work"  or  as  "a  lot  of 
crooks"  who  "get  theirs"  out  of  their  jobs.  And  so 
the  boy  comes  back  to  the  streets,  and  plays  there 
more  selfishly  and  more  recklessly  than  ever. 

His  activities  are  not  confined  to  the  block  in  which 
he  lives  or  even  to  the  streets  of  his  neighborhood. 
Any  kind  of  space,  from  a  roof  or  an  area  to  a  cellar 
or  an  empty  basement,  is  utilized  as  an  addition  to  the 
playground.  But  two  places  attract  him  particularly. 
All  the  year  around  at  some  time  of  day  or  night  you 
'can  find  him  on  the  docks.  In  summer  they  provide 
'a  ball  ground,  in  winter,  coal  for  his  family,  and  always 
•  a  hiding  place  from  the  truant  officer  or  the  police. 
Here  along  the  river  front  he  bathes  in  the  hot  weather, 
encouraged  by  the  city's  floating  bath  which  anchors 
close  by,  and  regardless  of  the  fact  that  the  water  is 
filthy  with  refuse  and  sewage.  In  the  stifling  evenings, 
too,  when  the  band  plays  on  the  recreation  pier  and 
there  are  lights  and  crowds  and  "somethin'  goin'  on," 
he  is  again  drawn  toward  the  water. 

And  next  to  the  streets  and  docks  he  loves  the  hall- 

20 


Si11**        LJ- 


i 


■inn?  1 1  *p  "mm,m¥H^fMf 

MfllfWMi'iflUflMff  — 


~*>^ 


Wading  in  Sewage  Laden  Water 


A  "Den"  Under  the  Dock 


HIS    PLAYGROUND 

ways.  There  is  something  about  those  dark,  narrow 
passages  which  makes  them  seem  built  for  gangs  to 
meet  or  play  or  plot  in.  The  youth  of  the  district  and 
his  girl  find  other  uses  for  them,  but  the  boy  and  his 
playmates  have  marked  them  for  their  games.  Neigh- 
bors who  have  no  other  place  to  "hang  around  in" 
may  protest,  but  the  boys  play  on.  They  dirty  the 
floors,  disturb  the  tenements  by  their  noises,  run  into 
people,  and  if  they  are  lying  here  in  wait  are  apt  to  chip 
away  the  wainscoting  or  tear  the  burlap  off  the  walls. 
But  what  do  they  care!  It's  all  in  the  day's  play;  and 
if  the  janitor  objects,  so  much  the  better,  for  he  can 
often  be  included  in  a  game  of  chase. 

Streets,  roofs,  docks,  hallways, — these,  then,  are  the 
West  Side  boy's  playground,  and  will  be  for  many 
years  to  come.  And  what  a  playground  it  is!  Day 
and  night,  workdays  and  holidays  alike,  the  streets  are 
never  quiet,  from  the  half-hour  before  the  factory 
whistles  blow  in  the  early  morning,  when  throngs  of 
men  and  boys  are  hurrying  off  to  work,  to  still  earlier 
morning  hours  when  they  echo  with  the  footsteps  of 
the  reveler  returning  home.  All  day  long  an  endless 
procession  of  wagons,  drays,  and  trucks,  with  an  occa- 
sional automobile,  jolts  and  clatters  up  and  down  the 
avenue.  Now  and  then  an  ambulance  or  undertaker's 
cart  arrives,  drawing  its  group  of  curious  youngsters 
to  watch  the  casket  or  stretcher  carried  out.  Drunken 
men  are  omnipresent,  and  drunken  women  are  seen. 
Street  fights  are  frequent,  especially  in  the  evening, 
and,  except  for  police  annoyance  or  when  "guns"  come 
into  play,  are  generally  regarded  as  diversions.  Every 
crime,  every  villainy,  every  form  of  sexual  indulgence 
and  perversion  is  practiced  in  the  district  and  talked 

21 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

of  openly.  The  sacredness  of  life  itself  finds  no  pro- 
tecting influence  in  these  blocks.  There  is  no  rest,  no 
order,  no  privacy,  no  spaciousness,  no  simplicity; 
almost  nothing  that  youth,  the  city's  everlasting  hope, 
should  have,  almost  everything  that  it  should  not. 

A  family  from  another  state  moved  recently  into  one 
of  these  tenements.  The  only  child,  a  boy  of  fifteen, 
after  several  tentative  efforts  to  reconcile  himself  to 
street  life,  came  in  and  announced  his  intention  of 
staying  in  the  flat  in  leisure  time  thereafter,  as  he  was 
shocked  and  his  finer  feelings  were  hurt  by  what  he 
saw  of  the  street  life  around  him.  His  mother  tried 
to  persuade  him  to  go  out,  but  the  boy  told  her  she 
had  no  idea  what  she  was  doing,  and  refused  to  go. 
He  attempted  to  take  his  airings  on  the  roof,  but  was 
ordered  down  by  the  janitor.  Finally  he  yielded  to 
his  mother's  persuasion  and  went  back  to  the  street. 
Within  three  months  this  boy,  a  type  of  the  bright, 
clean  boyhood  of  our  smaller  towns,  had  become  marked 
by  dissipation  and  had  once  even  come  home  intoxi- 
cated. 

What  chance  has  the  best  of  boys  who  must  spend 
two-thirds  of  his  school  days  in  such  a  playground? 
What  wonder  that  he  becomes  a  callous  young  crimi- 
nal, when  the  very  conditions  of  his  play  lead  him  to 
crime?  The  whole  influence  of  such  conditions  on  a 
child's  life  can  never  be  gauged.  But  just  as  apart 
from  his  traditions  and  background  he  is  incompre- 
hensible as  a  boy,  so,  as  a  wanton  little  ruffian,  he  is 
♦unintelligible  apart  from  his  playground.  This  develops 
his  play  into  mischief  and  his  mischief  into  crime.  It 
educates  him  superficially  in  the  worst  sides  of  life,  and 
makes  him  cynical,  hard,  and  precocious.     It  takes 

22 


HIS    PLAYGROUND 

from  him  everything  that  is  good;  almost  everything 
that  it  gives  him  is  bad.  Its  teachings  and  tendencies 
are  not  civic  but  anti-social,  and  the  boy  reflects  them 
more  and  more.  Every  year  he  adds  to  a  history  of 
lawless  achievement  which  the  court,  police,  and  insti- 
tutions alike  have  proved  powerless  to  prevent.  And 
every  day  the  Middle  West  Side  bears  witness  to  the 
truth  of  the  saying  that  "a  boy  without  a  playground 
i/is  the  father  of  the  man  without  a  job." 


23 


CHAPTER  III 
HIS  GAMES 

IT  would  be  impossible  to  describe  the  thousand  and 
one  uses  to  which  the  West  Side  boy  puts  his  play- 
ground. After  all,  the  street  is  not  such  a  bad 
place  to  play  in  if  you  have  known  nothing  better; 
and  as  you  tumble  out  of  school  on  a  fine  afternoon, 
ready  for  mischief,  it  offers  you  almost  anything,  from 
a  fight  with  your  best  friend  to  a  ride  on  the  steps 
of  an  ice  wagon.  But  certain  games  and  sports  are  so 
universal  in  this  district  as  to  deserve  separate  mention. 
Spring  is  the  season  for  marbles.  On  any  clear  day 
in  March  or  February  you  may  find  the  same  scene  on 
roadway  and  sidewalks  of  every  block — a  huddle  of 
multicolored  marbles  in  the  middle  of  a  ring,  and  a 
group  of  excited  youngsters,  shrieking,  quarreling,  and 
tumbling  all  over  each  other,  just  outside  the  circle. 
Instead  of  the  time-honored  chalk  ring  the  boys  often 
use  the  covers  of  a  manhole,  whose  corrugated  iron 
surface  offers  obstacles  and  therefore  gives  oppor- 
tunity for  unusual  skill.  Another  game  consists  in 
shooting  marbles  to  a  straight  line  drawn  along  the 
middle  of  the  sidewalk;  thus  one  such  game  may  be 
continued  through  the  whole  length  of  the  block.  In 
another  the  marbles  are  pitched  against  a  brick  wall 
or  against  the  curbstone,  and  the  boy  whose  marbles 
stop  closest  to  a  chalked  mark  wins  the  marbles  of  all 
competitors. 

24 


HIS    GAMES 

As  the  fall  days  grow  shorter  and  the  afternoons 
more  crisp,  bonfires  become  the  rage.  The  small  boy 
has  an  aptitude  for  finding  wood  at  need  in  places 
where  one  would  suppose  that  no  fuel  of  any  kind 
would  be  obtainable.  A  careless  grocer  leaves  a  barrel 
of  waste  upon  the  sidewalk.  In  five  minutes'  time 
that  barrel  may  be  burning  in  the  middle  of  the  street 
with  a  group  of  cheering  youngsters  warming  their 
hands  at  the  blaze,  or  watching  it  from  their  seats  on 
the  curbstone.  The  grocer  may  berate  the  boys  and 
threaten  disaster  to  the  one  who  lit  the  barrel,  but  he 
is  seldom  able  to  find  the  culprit.  Before  the  barrel 
is  completely  burned  some  youngster  produces  a  stick 
or  two  which  he  has  found  in  an  areaway  or  pulled 
from  a  passing  wagon,  and  adds  it  to  the  fire.  Stray 
newspapers,  bits  of  excelsior,  rags,  and  even  garbage 
are  contributed  to  keep  the  fire  going,  regardless  of  the 
effect  on  the  olfactory  nerves  of  the  neighborhood. 
The  police  extinguish  these  fires  whenever  they  can, 
but  the  small  boy  meets  this  contingency  by  posting 
scouts,  and  on  the  alarm  of  "Cheese  it!"  the  fire  is 
stamped  out  and  the  embers  are  hastily  concealed. 
The  "cop"  sniffs  at  the  smoke  and  looks  at  the  boys 
suspiciously,  but  suspicions  do  not  bother  the  boys — 
they  are  used  to  them — and  when  he  has  passed  on 
down  the  street  the  fragments  of  the  fire  are  reassem- 
bled and  lighted  again.  On  a  cold  evening  one  may 
see  half  a  dozen  of  these  bonfires  flaming  in  different 
directions,  each  with  a  group  of  small  figures  playing 
around  them.  Sticks  are  thrust  into  the  fire  and  waved 
in  figures  in  the  air;  and  among  them  very  often  circle 
larger  and  brighter  spots  of  light  which  glow  into  a  full 
flame  when  the  motion  ceases.     These  are  fire  pots,  an 

25 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

ingenious  invention  consisting  of  an  empty  tomato  can 
with  a  wire  loop  attached  to  the  top  by  which  to  swing 
it,  and  filled  with  burning  wood.  This  amusement 
might  seem  harmless  enough  if  it  were  not  for  the  fact 
that  these  fire  pots,  being  of  small  boy  construction, 
have  an  unfortunate  habit  of  slipping  from  the  wire 
loop  just  as  they  are  being  most  rapidly  hurled. 

On  election  night,  until  recently,  the  boys'  traditional 
right  of  making  bonfires  has  been  observed.  These  bon- 
fires are  sometimes  elaborate.  As  early  as  the  middle 
of  October  the  youngsters  begin  hoarding  wood  for  the 
great  occasion.  They  pile  the  fuel  in  the  rear  of  a  tene- 
ment or  in  the  areaway  or  basement  of  some  friendly 
grocer,  or  perhaps  in  a  vacant  lot  or  at  the  rear  of  a 
factory.  Frequently  to  save  their  plunder  they  find  it 
necessary  to  post  guards  for  the  few  days  preceding 
election,  and  even  so,  bonfire  material  often  becomes 
the  center  of  a  furious  gang  fight.  A  few  of  the  stronger 
gangs  have  a  settled  policy  of  letting  some  other  gang 
collect  their  fuel  for  them,  and  then  raiding  them  at  the 
last  minute.  The  victors  carry  the  wood  back  tri- 
umphantly to  their  own  block,  and  the  vanquished  are 
left  either  to  collect  afresh  or  to  make  reprisal  on  a  still 
weaker  gang.  This  kind  of  warfare  continues  even 
while  the  fires  are  burning  on  election  night.  A  gang 
will  swoop  down  unawares  on  a  rival  bonfire,  scatter 
the  burning  material,  and  retire  with  the  unburnt 
pieces  to  their  own  block.*  A  recent  election  time, 
however,  proved  a  gloomy  one  for  the  little  West 
Siders.  Wagons  appeared  in  the  streets,  filled  with  fire 
hose  and  manned  by  firemen  and  police.  The  police 
scattered  the  boys  while  the  firemen  drenched  the  fires, 

*  For  account  of  one  of  these  raids  see  Chapter  IV,  pp.  48-49. 

26 


HIS    GAMES 

and  by  8  o'clock  the  streets,  formerly  so  picturesque 
and  so  dangerous,  presented  a  sad  and  sober  appear- 
ance. The  tenement  lights  shone  out  on  heaps  of 
blackened  embers  and  on  groups  of  despairing  young- 
sters who  were  not  even  permitted  to  stand  on  the 
corners  and  contemplate  the  destruction  of  their 
evening's  festivities. 

In  the  winter  the  shortcomings  of  the  street  as  a 
playground  are  especially  evident.  Frost  and  sleet 
and  a  bitter  wind  give  few  compensations  for  the  dis- 
comfort which  they  bring.  Traffic,  the  street  cleaning 
department,  and  the  vagaries  of  the  New  York  climate, 
make  most  ways  of  playing  in  the  snow  impossible. 
But  snowballing  continues,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the 
police  to  prevent  it.  It  is  open  to  the  same  objections 
as  baseball  in  the  street,  for  the  freedom  which  is  pos- 
sible in  the  small  towns  or  in  the  country  cannot  be 
tolerated  in  a  crowded  district  where  a  snowball  which 
misses  one  mark  is  almost  certain  to  hit  another. 
Moreover,  owing  to  the  facility  with  which  these  boys 
take  to  dangerous  forms  of  sport,  the  practice  of  mak- 
ing snowballs  with  a  stone  or  a  piece  of  coal  in  the 
middle  and  soaking  them  in  ice  water  is  even  more 
prevalent  here  than  in  most  other  localities.  Of  course, 
snowballing  is  forbidden  and  abhorred  by  the  neigh- 
borhood, and  everyone  takes  a  hand  in  chastising  the 
juvenile  snowball  thrower.  Nevertheless,  the  afternoon 
of  the  first  fall  is  sure  to  bring  a  snow  fight,  and  the 
innocent  passerby  is  likely  to  be  involuntarily  included 
in  the  game. 

Marbles  and  bonfires  and  snowballs  are  the  sports 
of  the  smaller  boys  exclusively,  but  other  games  which 
are  less  seasonal  are  played  by  old  and  young  alike. 

27 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

"Shooting  craps,"  for  instance,  and  pitching  or  match- 
ing pennies,  are  occupations  which  endure  all  the  year 
round  and  are  participated  in  by  grown  men  as  well  as 
by  boys.  On  a  Sunday  morning  dozens  of  crap  games 
are  usually  in  full  swing  along  the  streets.  Only  two 
players  handle  the  dice,  but  almost  any  number  of  by- 
standers can  take  part  by  betting  amongst  themselves 
on  the  throw — "  fading,"  as  it  is  called.  Pennies,  dimes, 
or  dollar  bills,  according  to  the  prosperity  of  the  bettor, 
will  be  thrown  upon  the  sidewalk,  for  craps  is  one  of 
the  cheapest  and  most  vicious  forms  of  gambling,  since 
there  is  absolutely  no  restriction  in  the  betting.  Per- 
fect strangers  may  join  in  at  will  if  the  players  will  let 
them,  and  there  are  innumerable  opportunities  for 
playing  with  crooked  dice.  It  is  one  of  the  chief  forms 
of  sidewalk  amusements  in  this  neighborhood. 

Up  above  the  sidewalks,  on  the  roofs  of  the  tene- 
ments, there  is  some  flying  of  small  kites,  but  pigeon 
flying  is  the  chief  sport.  It  provides  an  occupation 
less  immediately  remunerative,  perhaps,  than  games  of 
chance,  but  developed  by  the  same  unmoral  tendencies 
which  seem  to  turn  all  play  in  the  district  into  vice. 
Some  boys,  through  methods  of  accretion  peculiar  to 
this  neighborhood,  have  a  score  or  more  of  pigeons 
which  are  kept  in  the  house,  and  taken  up  to  the  roof 
regularly  every  Sunday,  and  oftener  during  the  sum- 
mer, for  exercise.  The  birds  are  tamed  and  carefully 
taught  to  return  to  their  home  roofs  after  flight,  but 
ingenious  boys  have  discovered  many  ways  of  luring 
them  to  alien  roofs,  so  that  now  the  sport  of  pigeon 
flying  is  as  dangerously  exciting  as  a  commercial  ven- 
ture in  the  days  of  the  pirates.  Pigeon  owners  also 
train  their  birds  to  circle  about  the  neighborhood  and 

28 


Pigeon  Flying.     A  Roof  Game 


Marbles.     A  Street  Game 


HIS   GAMES 

bring  back  strangers.  These  strangers  are  taken  in- 
side, fed,  and  accustomed  to  the  place  before  they  are 
released  again.  On  Sunday  mornings  and  Sunday  even- 
ings the  pigeons  are  to  be  seen  flying  around  the  neigh- 
borhood, while  behind  the  chimneys  of  every  fourth  or 
fifth  tenement  house  are  crouched  one  or  two  small 
boys  armed  with  long  sticks,  occasionally  giving  a  low 
peculiar  whistle  to  attract  the  pigeons  coming  from  dis- 
tant roofs.  The  sticks  have  a  triple  use.  Pigeon  own- 
ers use  them  to  force  their  pigeons  to  fly  for  exercise; 
the  little  pigeon  thieves  on  the  roofs  have  a  net  on  the 
end  of  their  sticks  for  catching  the  bird  when  it  alights; 
and  most  pigeons  are  trained  to  remain  passive  at  the 
touch  of  the  stick  so  that  they  may  be  picked  up  easily 
by  their  owner.  This  training,  of  course,  operates  to 
the  advantage  of  the  thief  as  well  as  of  the  owner,  and 
valuable  birds  are  sometimes  lured  away  and  held  for 
ransom. 

The  two  chief  sports  of  the  Middle  West  Side — base- 
ball and  boxing — are  perennial.  The  former,  played 
as  it  always  is,  with  utter  carelessness  and  disregard 
of  surroundings,  is  theoretically  intolerable,  but  it 
flourishes  despite  constant  complaints  and  inter- 
ference. The  diamond  is  marked  out  on  the  roadway, 
the  bases  indicated  by  paving  bricks,  sticks,  or  news- 
papers. Frequently  guards  are  placed  at  each  end  of 
the  block  to  warn  of  the  approach  of  police.  One 
minute  a  game  is  in  full  swing;  the  next,  a  scout  cries 
"Cheese  it!"  Balls,  bats,  and  gloves  disappear  with 
an  alacrity  due  to  a  generation  of  practice,  and  when 
the  "cop"  appears  round  the  corner  the  boys  will  be 
innocently  strolling  down  the  streets.  Notwithstand- 
ing these  precautions,  as  the  juvenile  court  records 

29 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

show,  they  are  constantly  being  caught.  In  a  great 
majority  of  these  match  games  too  much  police  vigi- 
lance cannot  be  exercised,  for  a  game  between  a  dozen 
or  more  boys,  of  from  fourteen  to  eighteen  years  of  age, 
with  a  league  ball,  in  a  crowded  street,  with  plate  glass 
windows  on  either  side,  becomes  a  joke  to  no  one  but 
the  participants.  A  foul  ball  stands  innumerable 
chances  of  going  through  the  third-story  window  of  a 
tenement,  or  of  making  a  bee  line  through  the  valuable 
plate  glass  window  of  a  store  on  the  street  level,  or  of 
hitting  one  of  the  passersby.  And  if  the  hit  is  a  fair 
one,  it  is  as  likely  as  not  to  land  on  the  forehead  of  a 
restive  horse,  or  to  strike  some  little  child  on  the  side- 
walk farther  down  the  street.  When  one  sees  the 
words  "Arrested  for  playing  with  a  hard  ball  in  a  pub- 
lic street"  written  on  a  coldly  impersonal  record  card 
in  the  children's  court  one  is  apt  to  become  indignant. 
But  when  you  see  the  same  hard  ball  being  batted 
through  a  window  or  into  a  group  of  little  children  on 
this  same  public  street,  the  matter  assumes  an  entirely 
different  aspect. 

Clearly,  from  the  community's  point  of  view,  the 
playing  of  baseball  in  the  street  is  rightly  a  penal 
offense.  It  annoys  citizens,  injures  persons  and  prop- 
erty, and  interferes  with  traffic.  But  for  all  that,  it  is 
not  abolished,  and  probably  under  present  municipal 
conditions  never  will  be,  simply  because  there  is  an- 
other point  of  view,  that  of  the  boy,  and  his  protest 
against  its  suppression  is  almost  equally  unanswerable. 
The  store  windows  are  filled  with  a  tempting  array  of 
baseball  gloves  and  bats  offered  at  prices  as  close  as 
possible  to  his  means,  and  every  effort  is  made  by  re- 
sponsible business  men,  who  themselves  know  the  law 

30 


HIS    GAMES 

and  the  need  for  order  on  the  streets,  to  induce  him 
to  buy  them.  Selling  the  boy  those  bats  and  balls  is 
a  form  of  business  and  is  perfectly  legal.  And  the  boy 
cannot  see  why,  after  having  paid  his  money  for  them, 
the  merchant  should  have  all  the  benefit  of  the  trans- 
action. The  game  is  in  itself  perfectly  harmless;  and 
childhood  has  an  abiding  resentment  against  apparently 
inexplicable  injustice.  Perhaps  the  small  boy  believes 
that  except  for  the  odds  against  him  his  right  to  make 
use  of  the  street  in  his  own  way  is  as  assured  as  that 
of  anyone  else.  Perhaps  he  reflects  that  he  too  has  to 
make  sacrifices;  that  a  broken  window  means  usually 
a  lost  ball,  and  a  damaged  citizen,  a  ruined  game.  At 
any  rate  he  continues  to  play,  and  as  things  are,  has 
a  fairly  good  case  for  doing  so. 

This  neighborhood  is  also  full  of  regularly  organized 
ball  teams,  ranging  in  the  age  of  players  from  ten  to 
thirty  years.  Many  of  the  large  factories  have  teams 
made  up  of  their  own  employes.  Almost  every  street 
gang  has  its  own  team,  as  has  almost  every  social  club. 
These  teams  meet  in  regularly  matched  games,  on  the 
waterfront,  in  the  various  city  parks,  or  over  in  New 
Jersey.  Practically  all  the  teams,  old  and  young  alike, 
play  for  stakes,  ranging  from  two  to  five  dollars  a  side. 
When  they  do  not,  they  call  it  simply  a  "friendly" 
game.  There  is  no  organization  among  them;  one 
team  challenges  another,  and  the  two  will  decide  on 
some  place  to  play  the  game.  A  few  of  the  adult  teams 
lease  Sunday  grounds  in  New  Jersey,  but  most  of  them 
trust  to  the  chance  of  finding  one.  The  baseball  lead- 
ers of  the  neighborhood  usually  have  uniforms,  and  to 
belong  to  a  uniformed  team  is  one  of  the  great  ambi- 
tions of  the  West  Side  boy. 

3i 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

Down  on  the  waterfront  the  broad,  smooth  quays 
offer  a  tempting  place  for  baseball,  especially  on  Sun- 
days and  summer  evenings,  when  they  are  generally 
bare  of  freight.  But  it  has  one  serious  drawback,  that 
a  foul  ball  on  one  side  invariably  goes  into  the  river, 
and  the  players  must  have  either  several  balls  or  a 
willing  swimmer  if  the  game  is  to  continue  long.  One 
Sunday  game,  for  instance,  between  two  fourteen-year- 
old  teams,  played  near  the  water,  cost  five  balls, 
varying  in  price  from  50  cents  to  $1.00  each.  The 
game  was  played  before  a  scrap-iron  yard,  the  high 
fence  of  which  was  used  as  a  backstop.  Fifty  feet  to 
the  right  was  the  Hudson  River.  Within  a  hundred 
feet  of  second  base,  in  the  center  field,  a  slip  reached 
from  the  line  of  the  river  to  the  street,  which  was  just 
beyond  third  base  on  the  other  side.  Behind  the  six- 
teen-foot fence  of  the  scrap-iron  yard  were  a  savage  dog 
at  large  and  a  morose  watchman  to  keep  out  river 
thieves.  Thus  hemmed  in  by  water  on  two  sides,  a 
street  car  line  and  a  row  of  glass  windows  on  the  third 
side,  and  a  high  fence,  a  savage  dog,  and  a  watchman 
on  the  fourth,  the  boys  started  the  game.  In  the  first 
inning  a  new  dollar  ball  was  fouled  over  the  fence  into 
the  scrap-iron  yard  and  the  watchman  refused  to  let 
the  boys  in  to  hunt  for  it.  The  game  was  stopped 
while  a  deputation  of  boys  from  both  sides  walked  up 
to  a  nearby  street  to  buy  a  new  fifty-cent  ball.  The 
first  boy  up  when  the  game  was  resumed  batted  this 
ball  into  the  Huason  River,  where  a  youthful  swimmer 
got  it,  and  climbing  ashore  down  the  river,  made  away 
with  it.  A  third  ball  was  secured,  and  before  the  game 
was  half  over  this  ball  was  batted  into  the  river,  where 
it  lodged  underneath  a  barge  full  of  paving  stones  which 

32 


HIS    GAMES 

was  made  fast  to  the  dock,  and  could  not  be  recovered. 
Then  a  fourth  ball  was  produced.  This  lasted  till  the 
game  was  almost  finished,  though  it  was  once  batted 
deep  into  center  field,  where  it  bounced  into  the  slip 
and  stopped  the  game  while  it  was  being  fished  out. 
Finally  it  followed  the  first  ball  into  the  scrap-iron  yard, 
and  neither  taunts  nor  pleas  could  move  the  obdurate 
watchman  to  let  the  boys  in  to  find  it.  The  game  was 
finished  with  a  fifth  ball  which  was  the  personal  prop- 
erty of  one  of  the  boys.  On  the  occasion  of  another 
game  in  this  same  place  two  balls  were  batted  into  the 
scrap-iron  yard  and  lost  while  the  teams  were  warming 
up  before  the  match  began.  A  third  ball  was  baited 
into  the  river  twice  but  both  times  it  was  recovered. 
Baseball  is  played  on  the  docks  unmodified,  but  in  the 
streets  the  boys  make  use  of  various  adaptations,  some 
of  which  dispense  with  the  bat  and  in  consequence 
lessen  the  dangers  of  the  game. 

Ball  playing  continues  sporadically  all  the  year 
round,  and  never  loses  popularity,  but  it  is,  of  course, 
mainly  a  game  for  the  summer.  During  the  winter 
among  the  small  boys,  youths,  and  men  alike,  boxing 
is  the  all-absorbing  sport.  It  is  hard  for  an  outsider 
to  understand  the  tremendous  hold  which  prize  fight- 
ing has  upon  the  boys  in  a  neighborhood  of  this  kind. 
Fights  are  of  course  of  common  occurrence,  not  only 
among  children  but  among  grown  men.  This  in  itself 
gives  a  great  impetus  to  the  study  of  the  art  of  self- 
defense.  Good  fighters  become  known  early  in  this  dis- 
trict. Professional  prize  fighters  are  everywhere;  and 
for  every  boy  who  has  actually  succeeded  in  getting 
into  the  prize  ring  on  one  or  more  occasions,  there  are 
a  dozen  who  are  eager  and  anxious  for  an  opportunity. 

33 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

The  various  athletic  clubs  of  the  city  always  offer 
chances  to  boys  from  fourteen  to  sixteen  years  old  to 
appear  in  the  "preliminaries,"  as  the  boxing  contests 
which  precede  the  main  bout  of  the  evening  are  called. 
A  boy  who  gains  a  reputation  as  a  street  fighter  and 
boxer  will  be  recommended  to  the  manager  of  an  ath- 
letic club  as  a  likely  aspirant.  He  is  given  a  chance 
to  box  in  one  or  two  rounds  with  another  would-be 
prize  fighter  in  a  "preliminary."  If  he  makes  a  good 
showing,  he  is  paid  from  five  to  fifteen  dollars  accord- 
ing to  his  ability  and  experience,  and  is  given  another 
chance.  If  he  can  continue  to  make  favorable  appear- 
ances in  these  preliminaries,  he  will  soon  be  given  a 
chance  of  taking  part  in  a  six  or  eight-round  bout  at 
one  of  the  smaller  athletic  clubs,  and  from  that  time 
on  he  takes  regular  status  as  a  prize  fighter,  and  accord- 
ingly becomes  a  hero  in  his  circle  of  youthful  acquain- 
tances. There  are  many  such  small  prize  fighters  in 
our  district,  none  of  them  over  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  and  all  earning  just  enough  to  make  it  possible  to 
lead  a  life  of  indolence.  If  they  can  make  ten  or  fifteen 
dollars  by  appearing  in  a  ring  once  a  week,  they  are 
quite  content. 

But  boxing  and  street  fighting  by  no  means  always 
go  together  on  the  Middle  West  Side.  The  real  pro- 
fessional boxers  of  the  neighborhood  dissociate  them 
in  practice  as  well  as  in  theory;  they  take  their  pro- 
fession for  what  it  is — a  game  to*  be  played  in  a  sports- 
manlike manner — and  they  are  usually  good-natured. 
One  of  the  best  known  prize  fighters  of  the  city,  who 
lives  on  the  Middle  West  Side,  states  that  it  is  years 
since  he  was  mixed  up  in  a  fight  of  any  kind.     "  I  box 

34 


Prizf.   Fighters  in  Training 


Craps  with  Money  at  Stake 


HIS    GAMES 

because  I  like  the  game,"  he  said,  "but  I've  no  use  for 
fighting." 

Another  man,  an  exceedingly  clever  lightweight 
boxer,  who  has  appeared  several  times  in  the  ring  in 
New  York  City  clubs,  was  boxing  one  night  with  a 
rather  crude  amateur.  The  bout  was  really  for  the 
instruction  of  the  amateur,  and  both  boxers  were  going 
very  easily  by  agreement.  Suddenly  the  amateur 
landed  an  unintentionally  hard  blow  upon  the  eye  of 
his  opponent,  just  as  the  latter  was  stepping  forward. 
The  eye  became  fearfully  discolored  and  the  whole 
side  of  the  boxer's  face  swelled.  But  in  spite  of  his 
evident  feeling  that  the  amateur  had  taken  an  unfair 
advantage  in  striking  so  hard  when  his  opponent  was 
off  his  guard,  the  lightweight  fighter  laughed  and  sub- 
mitted to  treatment  for  the  eye  without  losing  his 
temper  in  the  least,  and  freely  accepted  the  apologies 
of  the  other. 

This  is  boxing  at  its  best,  but  unfortunately  its 
tendencies  are  more  usually  toward  unfairness  and 
brutality  than  otherwise.  Boys  are  taught  to  box 
early  in  this  district.  It  is  not  uncommon  to  see  a 
bout  between  youngsters  of  seven  or  eight  being  watched 
by  a  crowd  of  young  men,  who  encourage  the  combat- 
ants by  cheering  every  successful  blow,  but  pay  no 
attention  to  palpable  fouls  or  obvious  attempts  to  take 
a  dishonest  advantage.  Even  some  of  the  best  of  the 
prize  fighters  frankly  say  that  once  in  the  ring  the 
extent  to  which  they  foul  is  only  a  question  of  how 
much  they  can  deceive  the  referee.  And  when  this 
questionable  code  of  ethics  is  passed  on  by  these  heroes 
and  leaders  of  sentiment  to  the  boys  who  have  no 
referee  and  no  thought  beyond  that  of  winning  by  dis- 

35 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

abling  an  opponent  as  much  as  possible,  the  sport  de- 
generates into  an  unfair  and  tricky  test  of  endurance. 
Striking  with  the  open  hand,  kicking,  tripping,  hitting 
in  a  clinch,  all  these  unfair  practices  are  considered  a 
great  advantage  if  one  can  "get  away  with  it."  The 
West  Side  youngster  sees  very  little  of  the  real  profes- 
sional boxers  who,  from  the  very  nature  of  their  some- 
what strenuous  employment,  must  keep  in  good  con- 
dition, as  a  rule  retire  early,  drink  little,  and  do  a  great 
deal  of  hard  gymnastic  work.  But  of  their  brutalized 
hangers-on,  the  "bruisers,"  who  frequent  the  saloons 
and  street  corners  and  pose  as  real  fighters,  he  sees  a 
great  deal;  consequently,  as  a  whole,  prize  fighting 
must  be  classed  as  one  of  the  worst  influences  of  the 
neighborhood.  It  is  too  closely  allied  with  street  fight- 
ing, and  too  easily  turned  to  criminal  purposes.  The 
bully  who  learns  to  box  will  use  his  acquired  knowledge 
as  a  means  of  enforcing  his  superiority  on  the  street, 
and  if  he  is  beaten  will  have  recourse  to  weapons  or 
any  other  means  of  maintaining  his  prestige. 

Baseball  and  boxing  bring  to  a  close  the  list  of  com- 
mon outdoor  games  played  by  boys  on  the  Middle  West 
Side, — just  ordinary  games,  modified  by  a  particular 
environment  and  played  in  a  shifting  and  spasmodic 
way  which  is  characteristic  of  it.  It  remains  to  em- 
phasize the  lesson  taught  by  their  effects  on  boy  life 
as  they  are  practiced  in  this  neighborhood. 

The  philosophy  of  the  West  Side  youngster  is  prac- 
tical and  not  speculative.  Otherwise  he  could  not  fail 
to  notice  very  early  in  his  career  that  the  world  in  gen- 
eral, from  the  mother  who  bundles  him  out  of  an  over- 
crowded tenement  in  the  morning,  to  the  grown-ups  in 
the  street  playground  where  most  of  his  time  is  spent, 

36 


HIS    GAMES 

seem  to  think  him  very  much  in  the  way.  All  day 
long  this  fact  is  borne  in  upon  him.  If  a  wagon  nearly 
runs  over  him  the  driver  lashes  him  with  the  whip  as 
he  passes  to  teach  him  to  "watch  out."  If  he  plays 
around  a  store  door  the  proprietor  gives  him  a  cuff  or 
a  kick  to  get  rid  of  him.  If  he  runs  into  someone  he 
is  pushed  into  the  gutter  to  teach  him  better.  And  if 
he  is  complained  of  as  a  nuisance  the  policeman  whacks 
him  with  hand  or  club  to  notify  him  that  he  must  play 
somewhere  else.  Moreover,  everything  that  he  does 
seems  to  be  against  the  law.  If  he  plays  ball  he  is 
endangering  property  by  "playing  with  a  hard  ball  in 
a  public  place."  If  he  plays  marbles  or  pitches  pen- 
nies he  is  "obstructing  the  sidewalk,"  and  craps,  quite 
apart  from  the  fact  that  it  is  gambling,  constitutes  the 
same  offense.  Street  fighting  individually  or  collec- 
tively is  "assault,"  and  a  boy  guilty  of  none  of  these 
things  may  perforce  be  "loitering."  In  other  words  he 
finds  that  property  or  its  representatives  are  the  great 
obstacles  between  him  and  his  pleasure  in  the  streets. 
And  in  considering  our  problem  neither  the  principal 
cause  of  this  situation  nor  its  results  must  be  lost 
sight  of. 

The  great  drawback  to  normal  life  on  the  Middle 
West  Side  is  that  it  is  a  dual  neighborhood.  Tene- 
ments and  industrial  establishments  are  so  inextricably 
mixed  that  the  demands  of  the  family  and  the  needs 
of  industry  and  commerce  are  eternally  in  conflict. 
The  same  streets  must  be  used  for  all  purposes;  and 
one  of  the  chief  sufferers  is  the  boy.  More  obvious, 
however,  than  this  cause  of  a  complex  situation  are  the 
results  of  it,  two  of  which  are  especially  noticeable. 
The  first   is  the   inevitableness  with  which  the  boy 

37 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

accepts — and  must  accept — illegal  and  immoral  amuse- 
ments as  a  matter  of  course.  The  spirit  of  youth  is 
forced  to  become  a  criminal  tendency,  and  sport  and 
the  rights  of  property  are  forced  into  antagonism. 
And  in  the  second  place,  partly  because  of  this,  partly 
because  their  association  with  the  toughs  of  the  street 
predisposes  them  to  imitate  vice  and  rowdyism,  the 
boys  come  to  take  a  positive  pleasure  in  such  activities 
as  retaliation  by  theft  and  destruction  of  property. 
Stores  and  basements  in  this  district  are  sometimes 
completely  abandoned  owing  to  the  stone  throwing 
and  persecution  of  a  youthful  gang  which  has  found 
their  occupants  too  strenuously  hostile  or  defensive. 
Undoubtedly  the  street  is  the  most  inadequate  of  play- 
grounds and  throws  many  difficulties  of  prevention  and 
interruption  in  the  path  of  sport.  But  these  obstacles 
are  from  their  nature  provocative  of  contest,  and  sport 
flourishes  with  a  Hydra-like  vitality.  Nothing  short 
of  impossibility  will  keep  the  boy  and  his  game  apart. 


38 


CHAPTER  IV 
HIS  GANGS 

IT  is  frequently  necessary  in  these  chapters  to  con- 
sider the  boy  of  the  Middle  West  Side  as  a  type; 
and  in  discussing  the  causes  and  possible  solution 
of  the  conditions  which  have  produced  him  it  is  easy 
to  forget  that  what  the  individual  boy  actually  is  at 
the  moment  is  also  of  very  real  importance.  But  as 
a  matter  of  fact  it  is  not  the  boy  individually  but  the 
boy  collectively  that  is  the  policeman's  bane  and  the 
district's  despair.  Once  on  the  street  the  boy  is  no 
longer  an  individual  but  a  member  of  a  gang;  and  it 
is  with  and  through  the  gang  that  he  justly  earns  a 
reputation  which  provoked  an  irate  citizen  recently  to 
suggest  that  for  the  New  York  street  urchin  boiling  in 
burning  oil  was  too  good  a  fate.  The  court  finds  him 
\a  little  villain,  and  newspapers  tell  the  public  that  he 
is  a  little  desperado;  but  those  who  know  him  best 
know  that  he  is  probably  worse  than  either  court  or 
public  suppose,  and  that  for  this  the  development  of 
the  gang  on  the  West  Side  is  primarily  responsible. 

The  formation  of  "sets"  or  "gangs"  is  almost  a  law 
of  human  nature,  and  boyhood  one  of  its  most  con- 
stant  exponents,  for  a  boy  is  gregarious  naturally  as 
well  as  by  training.  And  over  here,  where  the  sociable 
Irish-American  element  predominates  and  children 
rarely  mention  the  word  "home,"  it  is  inevitable  that 
the  gang  should  flourish  and  its  members  try  to  find  in 

39 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

its  activities  the  rough  affection,  comfort,  and  amuse- 
ment which  a  dirty  and  overcrowded  tenement  room 
has  failed  to  give. 

The  West  Side  gang  is  in  its  origin  perfectly  normal. 
In  the  words  of  one  of  the  boys,  "  De  kids  livin'  on  de 
street  jist  naturally  played  together,  an'  stuck  together 
w'en  anything  came  up  about  kids  from  any  other 
street."  Nothing  is  more  entirely  natural  and  spon- 
taneous, and  it  is  exasperating  to  reflect  that  nothing 
could  be  a  more  persuasive  and  uplifting  power  in  the 
boy's  life  than  the  gang's  development  when  given 
proper  scope  and  direction.  Its  influence  is  strong  and 
immediate.  The  gang  contains  the  friends  to  whose 
praise  and  criticism  he  is  most  keenly  sensitive,  its  stan- 
dards are  his  aims,  and  its  activities  his  happiness.  Un- 
trammeled  by  the  perversion  of  special  circumstances  it 
might  encourage  his  latent  interests,  train  him  to  obedi- 
ence and  loyalty,  show  him  the  method  and  the  saving 
of  co-operation,  and  teach  him  the  beauty  of  self-sacri- 
fice. Gang  life  at  its  best  does  so.  The  universal 
endorsement  and  success  of  the  Boy  Scout  movement, 
for  instance,  in  almost  every  country  living  under 
Western  civilization,  shows  this  most  clearly.  Associa- 
tion and  rivalry  should  bring  out  what  is  best  in  a  boy; 
but  on  the  Middle  West  Side  it  almost  invariably  brings 
out  what  is  worst.  Practically,  under  present  condi- 
tions, it  is  inevitable  that  this  should  be  so;  but  with 
the  first  movement  toward  amelioration  such  a  result 
becomes  less  necessary. 

Take  the  case  of  a  certain  gang  typical  of  this  neigh- 
borhood. This  gang  is  now  several  years  old,  but  its 
membership  is  almost  exactly  what  it  was  four  or  five 
years  ago.     Its  members  singled  each  other  out  from 

40 


■*p.1  ' 


Boy  Scouts  and  Soldiers 


After  the  Battle 


HIS    GANGS 

the  throng  of  children  in  their  immediate  neighborhood 
and  first  made  for  themselves  a  cave  between  two  lum- 
ber piles  in  a  neighboring  yard.  All  one  summer  they 
met  in  this  "hang-out";  here  they  brought  the  "loot," 
as  they  call  the  product  of  their  marauding  expeditions, 
threw  craps,  pitched  pennies,  played  cards,  smoked, 
told  stories,  and  fought.  But  they  were  disturbed  by 
early  disaster  in  the  shape  of  the  business  needs  of  the 
lumber  company,  which  one  day  caused  their  shack  to 
be  torn  down  over  their  heads.  They  made  their  head- 
quarters next  in  the  empty  basement  of  a  tenement,  but 
soon  moved  at  the  well  reinforced  request  of  the  land- 
lord. After  an  exiled  period  of  meeting  on  the  street 
corners,  the  boys  conceived  the  idea  of  building  their 
own  habitation  in  the  protection  of  their  own  homes. 
They  began  a  small  wooden  structure  in  the  areaway 
of  the  tenement  in  which  the  leader  lived.  But  civil 
war  broke  out,  and  in  one  unhappy  culmination  the 
leader  of  the  gang  chased  his  own  little  brother  up  two 
flights  of  stairs  with  a  hatchet.  The  little  brother 
promptly  "squealed,"  and  the  projected  headquarters 
was  destroyed  by  parental  decree. 

There  followed  another  interval  of  meeting  on  the 
streets,  and  then  one  of  the  workers  in  a  neighboring 
settlement  became  interested.  She  arranged  to  have 
the  boys  hold  meetings  in  the  settlement  once  a  week. 
They  were  given  certain  privileges  in  the  gymnasium 
and  game  rooms  also,  which  kept  them  happily  occu- 
pied and  away  from  the  street  influences.  But  the  set- 
tlement was  closed  suddenly  and  the  gang  went  back 
to  the  streets  once  more.  Here  is  a  case  in  which  a 
gang  were  from  the  outset  driven  from  pillar  to  post 

4* 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

by  the  deficiencies  of  their  surroundings  as  a  play- 
ground, and  made  to  feel  that  every  man's  hand  was 
against  them.  When  kindness  was  shown  to  them  they 
responded  at  once.  And  scores  of  other  gangs,  if  they 
were  given  the  chance,  would  respond  in  the  same  way. 
There  are  two  salient  features  of  gang  life  in  this 
neighborhood.  Both  can  be  easily  explained  and  abun- 
dantly illustrated;  the  second  alone  applies  equally  to 
schoolboy  gangs  and  to  adult  gangs — for  bands  of  adult 
rowdies  exist,  too,  and  the  semi-mythical  "Gopher 
Gang"*  is  a  terror  to  conjure  with.  The  first  of  these 
features  is  the  loyalty  which  the  gang  invariably  shows 
to  a  single  street  or  block.  As  a  gang  is  naturally 
formed  of  boys  who  live  in  the  same  tenement  or  next 
door  to  each  other,  or  at  least  in  the  same  block,  and 
as  their  chief  playground  is  likely  to  be  the  street  in 
front  of  that  block,  it  naturally  becomes  a  matter  of 
convenience  as  well  as  of  honor  to  defend  that  play- 
ground from  the  inroads  of  any  other  gang.  In  this 
way  loyalty  to  one  block  becomes  a  principle  and  a 
basis  of  gang  organization.  But  individuals  are  not 
always  loyal  to  their  home  block.  If  a  boy  becomes  a 
member  of  a  gang  on  Fiftieth  Street,  for  example,  and 
then  moves  to  Thirtieth  Street,  or  even  farther,  he 
may  return  and  continue  to  belong  to  his  old  gang. 
Similarly,  a  Thirtieth  Street  gang  will  number  among 
its  ranks  former  residents  who  now  live  in  other  locali- 
ties. At  the  same  time,  both  gangs  are  continually 
being  recruited  by  new  arrivals  in  the  community. 
When  a  boy  moves  he  simply  uses  his  own  discretion 

*  This  term  is  commonly  applied  to  all  the  thugs  and  loafers  of  the 
Middle  West  Side. 

42 


HIS    GANGS 

as  to  whether  to  join  the  new  gang  or  to  continue  to 
belong  to  the  old. 

The  gang  is  constantly  increasing  or  decreasing  its 
numbers.  It  does  not  necessarily  include  the  whole 
street  except  in  a  very  general  sense.  Its  nucleus  is  to 
be  found  in  probably  a  dozen  or  fifteen  kindred  spirits 
in  the  street.  For  purposes  of  war,  or  for  demonstra- 
tions at  election  time,  or  on  any  such  occasion  when 
there  is  either  safety  or  pleasure  in  numbers,  the  other 
boys  in  the  street  are  added  to  this  group.  Thus  the 
real  Fiftieth  Street  gang  may  not  number  more  than 
20  or  25  members,  but  its  fighting  strength  when  pitted 
against  the  Fifty-thirds  will  be  nearly  a  hundred. 
Again,  while  there  may  be  one  group  of  15  or  20  boys, 
known  as  "The  Fiftieth  Street  Gang,"  yet  on  Fiftieth 
Street  between  any  two  avenues  will  be  found  a  dozen 
or  more  similar  groups,  each  with  a  leader  and  a 
coherent  social  consciousness.  The  one  among  these 
groups  which  will  be  called  the  Fiftieth  Street  gang  is 
likely  to  be  so  known  either  because  it  contains  the  boy 
who,  for  one  reason  or  another,  has  become  the  recog- 
nized street  leader,  or  because  its  members  are  better 
known  or  more  daring  than  any  other  group,  so  that 
it  will  be  around  this  particular  group  that  all  the  others 
will  rally  when  the  occasion  calls.  The  territorial  limit 
of  a  gang  is  usually  the  length  of  one  single  cross  street 
between  two  avenues.  In  a  single  week  fights  took 
place  between  the  Fiftieth  Street  gang  between  Tenth 
and  Eleventh  Avenues,  and  the  Fifty-third  Street  gang 
in  the  same  district;  between  the  Forty-ninth  Street 
gang  between  Ninth  and  Tenth  Avenues  combined 
with  the  Forty-ninth  Street  gang  between  Tenth  and 

43 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

Eleventh  Avenues,  and  the  Forty-seventh  Street  gang 
between  Ninth  and  Tenth  Avenues. 

Loyalty  to  their  home  block  would  be  a  good  habit 
in  boyish  camaraderie  if  it  merely  took  the  form  of 
peaceable  rivalry;  but  as  gang  life  exists  at  present  on 
the  Middle  West  Side  it  becomes  a  chronic  incentive 
to  lawlessness.  For  the  second  salient  feature  of  gang 
life  is  the  propensity  of  the  gang  to  street  fighting. 
Personal  and  collective  jealousies  and  feuds  have  be- 
come so  habitual  and  endless  among  the  boys  here  that 
the  history  of  their  gangs  is  little  less  than  a  record  of 
continuous  violence  of  every  kind.  No  doubt  the 
strain  of  the  constant  repression  before  alluded  to  in 
some  measure  accounts  for  this;  but  possibly  it  is  due 
in  general  to  a  contact  with  the  streets  and  in  particu- 
lar to  the  bad  influence  of  the  older  toughs  on  whom 
they  model  themselves  and  who  often  attain  heroic 
position  in  their  eyes.  The  boys  of  gangs  in  the  coun- 
try play  that  they  are  armies,  emperors,  or  kings  that 
they  have  read  of  in  books  or  heard  of  in  stories  told. 
But  the  city  boys  of  the  West  Side  prefer  to  imitate 
local  celebrities  whom  they  know  or  local  deeds  of 
fame  with  which  they  are  more  intimately  acquainted. 
And  the  danger  of  this  vulgarized  hero  worship  lies  in 
the  fact  that,  while  a  country  lad  must  imagine  the 
surroundings  and  implements  for  imitating  the  deeds 
of  story  book  heroes,  the  city  boy  can  find  on  every 
side  of  him  the  real  materials  used  by  his  models,  the 
Gophers. 

The  jargon  of  the  thief  and  the  yeggman  is  common 
among  these  boys'  gangs.  They  talk  casually  of  mur- 
der and  robbery  as  though  these  were  familiar  events 
in  their  lives.    They  lay  tentative  plans  for  the  rob- 

44 


HIS   GANGS 

bery  of  stores  or  saloons  with  no  more  real  intention 
of  commission  than  the  schoolboy  football  player 
has  of  actual  achievement  when  he  imagines  what  he 
would  do  if  his  team  were  playing  Yale.  They  talk 
easily  and  knowingly  of  "turning  off"  various  people 
in  the  neighborhood,  by  which  they  mean  robbing 
them.  They  threaten  each  other  with  murder  and 
other  dire  forms  of  assault,  and  undoubtedly  think 
that  they  mean  to  carry  out  their  threats.  The  first 
active  manifestation  of  this  state  of  mind  consists  often 
in  carrying  concealed  weapons.  The  boy  obtains  a 
broken  revolver  from  some  place  or  finds  or  steals  a 
good  one.  He  will  reveal  this  weapon  to  his  awestruck 
playmates  and  soon  come  to  pose  as  a  bold,  ruffianly 
spirit.  Usually  this  phase  passes  away  harmlessly 
enough.  Few  of  the  younger  residents  of  this  neigh- 
borhood are  really  armed,  though  most  of  them  would 
have  their  companions  believe  that  they  are.  Occa- 
sionally some  youngster  does  manage  to  carry  a  re- 
volver, bowie  knife,  or  slingshot,  and  his  subsequent 
career  is  likely  to  bring  him  very  early  into  serious 
contact  with  the  police.  But  however  late  or  soon  the 
manifestation,  the  gangs  are  permeated  by  the  ten- 
dency to  disorder  and  crime  which  is  the  result  of 
criminal  example.  It  is  the  old  story;  only  the  worst 
and  most  vicious  form  of  the  gang  spirit  has  a  chance 
of  finding  expression  in  these  streets.  And  so  gang 
warfare  has  become  not  the  exception  but  the  rule,  and 
the  violence  and  ferocity  with  which  the  small  boys 
pursue  their  feuds  excites  the  alarm  of  the  entire 
neighborhood. 

"There  has  always  been  more  or  less  fighting  among 
the  gangs  of  boys  on  the  streets,"  a  physician  of  long 

45 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

residence  recently  remarked,  "but  they  are  getting 
worse  in  character  every  year  until  now  it  seems  that 
they  w'll  stop  at  nothing.  They  carry  knives,  clubs, 
and  even,  I  have  heard,  revolvers.  Sometimes  arrests 
are  made,  but  they  never  amount  to  anything,  for  the 
boys  are  always  released  without  punishment.  If  an 
outsider  tries  to  interfere,  ordinarily  both  gangs  turn 
on  him.  They  terrorize  the  neighborhood  with  their 
fights,  breaking  windows  and  injuring  passersby  with 
stones.  Only  recently  one  of  these  fights  broke  out 
almost  in  front  of  my  house,  and  a  score  or  more,  most 
of  them  armed  with  beer  bottles,  were  engaged  in  it. 
I  got  a  boy  by  the  shoulder  and  asked  him  what  he  was 
doing  with  the  bottle.  'Oh,'  he  said,  '  I  am  just  taking 
it  to  the  store  to  get  it  filled.'  Then  he  laughed  in  my 
face  and  the  rest  of  the  gang  burst  out  laughing.  I 
could  do  nothing  with  them,  and  had  to  retire  to  my 
office." 

Sometimes  fights  are  more  or  less  unpremeditated, 
arising  from  chance  encounters  between  two  rival  gangs; 
but  very  often  they  are  formally  arranged  and  generaled 
in  approved  military  fashion.  One  evening  recently  a 
furious  battle  took  place  between  two  gangs  of  small 
boys  numbering  nearly  50  to  the  gang,  and  all  appar- 
ently from  eight  to  fifteen  years  old.  One  gang  pro- 
ceeded down  the  street  from  the  corner  at  which  they 
had  assembled  and  met  the  other  gang  coming  from  the 
opposite  direction.  They  stopped  about  100  feet  apart 
and  formed  two  compact  masses,  screaming  and  shout- 
ing encouragement  to  their  own  side  and  insults  to  the 
enemy.  Then  one  of  the  gangs  moved  slowly  forward. 
Some  one  among  their  opponents  threw  a  beer  bottle 
into  the  advancing  crowd,  and  a  scene  of  wild  riot  fol- 

46 


HIS    GANGS 

lowed.  Clubs,  stones,  and  beer  bottles  were  hurled 
through  the  air,  many  of  them  taking  effect  and  many 
of  the  bottles  smashing  on  the  pavement.  A  crowd 
gathered  on  both  sides  behind  the  combatants  and 
windows  on  all  sides  were  filled  with  spectators.  None 
of  the  boys  came  into  personal  contact  with  their  op- 
ponents. Most  of  them  contented  themselves  with 
hurling  missiles  indiscriminately  into  the  opposing 
group.  In  the  midst  of  the  melee  two  boys  were 
maneuvering  for  over  a  minute,  each  armed  with  a 
beer  bottle  which  he  was  trying  to  land  on  his  opponent 
from  a  distance  of  not  more  than  eight  or  ten  feet. 
They  ducked,  dodged,  and  side-stepped,  then  finally 
one  boy  threw  his  bottle.  The  other  boy  dropped  flat 
to  the  pavement  and  the  bottle  came  so  close  to  his 
body  that  it  looked  for  an  instant  as  though  it  had  hit 
him.  If  it  had,  it  might  easily  have  killed  him,  for  it 
was  hurled  with  terrific  force.  But  the  boy  sprang  up 
and  threw  his  bottle  at  the  other  youngster,  who  was 
now  retreating. 

Just  as  it  was  growing  dark  someone  fired  two  shots 
from  a  revolver — whether  loaded  with  blank  or  bullet 
cartridges  it  was  of  course  impossible  to  tell — and  now 
for  the  first  time  protest  from  the  spectators  began  to 
rise  even  above  the  din  of  the  fight.  At  the  same 
moment  from  scouts  in  the  rear  guard  of  both  armies 
came  the  watchword  of  the  West  Side,  "Cheese  it!" 
In  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time  both  gangs  were 
rushing  at  top  speed  back  toward  their  respective 
gathering  places.  When  everything  was  quiet,  two 
policemen  turned  the  corner,  walked  solemnly  down  to 
the  middle  of  the  block,  and  returned.  There  were,  of 
course,  no  arrests.     One  gang  had  rallied  at  a  point 

47 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

about  ioo  yardi  to  the  west  of  the  avenue,  and  were 
starting  back  to  the  battleground  again  when  two  small 
boys  concealed  in  a  cellarway  at  the  corner  shrieked 
out  another  warning.  The  gang  broke  up  again  and 
the  next  minute  a  discomfited  policeman  stepped  out 
from  a  doorway  where  he  had  been  concealed  and  came 
along  the  street. 

At  the  corner  of  Ninth  Avenue  two  men  were  indig- 
nantly discussing  the  fight.  "Those  boys  do  more  to 
ruin  property  and  lower  real  estate  values  around  here 
than  any  other  three  causes,"  said  one  of  the  men. 
"They're  having  these  fights  continually  now  and  they 
seem  to  grow  worse  all  the  time.  Suppose  that  some 
passerby  had  been  in  the  way  of  that  revolver  which 
was  shot  down  the  street  just  now.  Nothing  could 
have  been  done.  You  can't  find  out  who  had  the  re- 
volver. The  police  won't  try  to  make  any  arrests,  and 
if  they  do,  the  boys  are  always  let  right  out  again. 
The  insurance  companies  won't  insure  plate  glass  in 
this  neighborhood  any  more,  and  the  whole  place  seems 
to  be  just  at  the  mercy  of  these  little  ruffians." 

On  one  occasion  a  gang  was  short  of  bonfire  material 
at  election  time.  The  members  raided  a  neighboring 
street,  took  the  gang  there  by  surprise,  extinguished  its 
celebration  bonfires,  and  carried  the  wood  in  triumph 
back  to  their  own  street.  War  was  immediately  de- 
clared by  the  despoiled,  and  a  regular  after-school  cam- 
paign followed.  Through  an  injury  to  one  of  their 
number  the  gang  in  an  intervening  street  became  in- 
volved, and  sided  with  the  bonfire  stealers.  War  then 
became  general  and  for  a  year  was  a  constant  subject 
for  discussion  among  old  and  young  in  the  neighbor- 
hood.   The  boys  of  the  defensive  gang  more  than  held 

48 


Resting.     What  Next? 


Early  Lessons  in  Craps 


HIS    GANGS 

their  own.  They  descended  upon  the  allies  from  the 
intervening  street  and  vanquished  them  on  their  own 
territory.  They  fought  with  even  honors  in  foreign 
territory  the  gang  which  originally  started  the  trouble, 
and  repelled  several  invasions  decisively.  Finally  these 
terms  were  offered:  The  defensive  gang  formally  noti- 
fied their  opponents  that  if  they  could  succeed  in 
forcing  their  way  from  the  upper  avenue  to  a  Roman 
Catholic  church  about  three-quarters  of  the  way  down 
the  street,  they  would  accept  defeat.  Night  after  night 
the  gang  thus  challenged  made  the  attempt,  but  never 
succeeded. 

It  is  not  uncommon  for  fights  to  end  by  a  formal 
match  between  two  opposing  leaders,  though  very  often, 
particularly  if  the  leader  of  the  weaker  gang  wins,  these 
conflicts  are  indecisive  because  the  stronger  gang  will 
not  accept  defeat.  In  one  case  two  gangs  entered  into 
a  formal  truce  because  one  gang  was  obliged  to  go 
through  the  other's  territory  on  the  way  to  school,  and 
found  it  inexpedient  to  fight  a  battle  four  times  a  day. 
The  other  gang  recognized  the  justice  of  this  position 
and  according  to  compact  permitted  their  enemies  to 
go  through  the  street  unmolested  throughout  the  school 
year. 

Tales  of  this  kind  could  be  multiplied  almost  indefi- 
nitely, for  the  exploits  of  boyish  gangs  dominate  the 
West  Side  problem.     Such  headlines  as 

UPPER  WEST  SIDE   DISTURBED 

Boys  Discharge  Rifles — One  Man  Shot  and 
Windows  Broken  * 

*  New  York  Tribune,  December  18,  191 1. 

49 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

GIRL  SHOT  IN  GANG   FIGHT 

Seriously  Wounded  While  Walking  in  Elev- 
enth Avenue — Assailant  Escapes* 

are  comparatively  common  in  the  newspapers;  yet 
most  of  the  occurrences  of  this  kind  in  the  district 
never  reach  the  ears  of  a  reporter.  The  following  is 
from  the  press  account  of  a  typical  gang  war: 

BOY  STABBED  BY  YOUNG  FEUDISTS 
Is  Second  Hurtj 

This  is  the  second  boy  to  receive  serious  injuries 
because  of  the  feud  which  has  been  raging  for  the 
last  three  weeks  between  stone-throwing  bands  of 
boys  who  live  in  the  vicinity  of  Fiftieth  Street  and 
Tenth  Avenue.  .  .  .  Fifty  or  more  boys  have 
received  injuries.  .  .  .  Not  only  are  the  lives  of 
school  children  endangered  but  the  size  of  the 
weapons  used  makes  it  perilous  for  adults  to  ven- 
ture near  during  the  battles.  There  are  a  half 
dozen  bands  in  the  neighborhood,  and  when  any 
two  of  them  meet  there  is  a  fight.  The  principal 
pastime,  however,  seems  to  be  in  a  whole  crowd  attack- 
ing one  or  two  boys  who  belong  to  another  band. 

Teachers  in  the  public  schools  and  Sunday 
school  teachers  have  joined  in  the  demand  that  the 
Police  Department  give  full  protection  against  assault 
to  all  living  in  the  vicinity.  The  fever  for  stone 
throwing  seems  to  be  spreading  through  all  the 
territory  between  Ninth  and  Tenth  Avenues  be- 
tween Fiftieth  and  Sixtieth  Streets,  and  the  situa- 
tion is  said  to  be  beyond  the  control  of  the  present 
force  of  police  on  duty  in  that  part  of  the  city. 

Gang  fighting  is  most  prevalent  when  the  nervous 
youngsters  are  just  released  from  the  school  room  and 

*  New  York  Times,  June  26,  191 1. 

t  New  York  World,  February  24,  1910. 

50 


HIS    GANGS 


must  inevitably  encounter  their  schoolmate  antagonists 
on  the  streets. 

Here  is  an  account  of  a  gang  fight,  the  events  of 
which  were  described  by  one  of  the  small  marauders: 

"Last  night  a  gang  of  boys  came  down  with  their 
pockets  full  of  brickbats,  looking  for  Willie  Harrigan, 
but  Johnnie  and  Jimmie  heard  of  it  and  got  the  gang 
together.  I  came  up  with  my  pockets  full  of  stones 
and  was  throwing  them  when  I  got  hit  in  the  leg  myself 
and  it  hurt  so  I  couldn't  throw.  Just  then  three  cops 
suddenly  jumped  off  a  car,  right  in  the  middle  of  the 
fight.  Everybody  beat  it,  but  a  cop  grabbed  me  and 
I  dropped  my  stones  and  jerked  away  and  ran.  They 
caught  three  of  the  others  though,  and  took  them  to 
the  station  house.  I  don't  know  whether  they  got 
there.  Every  afternoon  this  gang  comes  down  and 
tries  to  catch  our  fellows  alone  as  they  did  with  Willie. 
We  fight  with  stones  and  bottles.  No  one  has  been 
very  much  hurt  lately.  One  of  our  gang  has  a  gun, 
too,  but  he  can't  fire  it  for  fear  of  the  cops." 

These  last  sentences  reveal,  or  at  least  refer  to,  the 
most  repulsive  of  all  the  ways  in  which  the  demoraliz- 
ing effect  of  West  Side  gang  development  is  shown. 
Even  a  confirmed  pessimist,  if  he  has  any  sympathy 
with  boys  and  any  knowledge  of  their  ways,  can  dis- 
cern in  the  gang's  activities  a  striving  after  the  unat- 
tainable which  is  yet  a  birthright,  an  effort  which  is 
essentially  more  pathetic  than  vicious.  In  the  raid  and 
the  "loot,"  the  chase  and  the  "hang-out,"  it  is  not 
difficult  to  mark  the  trail  of  the  Redskin  and  the  hunt 
and  the  lure  of  danger  which  is  so  dear  to  the  heart  of 
a  boy.  But  even  the  most  persistent  of  optimists, 
willing  to  make  many  allowances,  must  demur  against 

5» 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

the  coldblooded  and  treacherous  methods  to  which  the 
feuds  and  enmities  of  West  Side  gangs  have  reduced 
their  members.  If  ever  these  boys  had  a  sense  of  the 
spirit  of  fair  play,  they  seem  to  have  lost  it  completely. 
They  win  by  planning  overwhelming  advantages.  An 
attack  upon  three  or  four  or  even  one  defenseless  boy 
by  30  or  40  merciless  youngsters,  who  even  at- 
tempt to  surround  their  prey  and  strike  from  behind, 
is  not  a  disgraceful  thing  to  them  but  an  exploit  to  be 
proud  of.  No  mercy  is  shown  to  the  vanquished. 
Stories  are  rife  in  the  neighborhood  of  boys  of  thirteen 
or  fourteen  being  attacked  when  alone  and  undefended, 
by  10  or  more  assailants  from  another  street. 

That  casualties  are  not  more  frequent  is  due  to  the 
dominant  spirit  of  cowardice  with  which  the  mob 
always  taints  its  members.  In  the  thick  of  the  fight 
when  no  responsibility  can  be  placed  and  every  mem- 
ber feels  secure  in  the  presence  of  his  friends,  there  is 
no  atrocity  which  these  boys  will  not  attempt;  but 
relying  as  they  do  on  the  strength  of  the  mob  instead 
of  on  individual  strength,  the  first  feeling  of  timidity 
immediately  develops  into  a  panic.  An  unexpected 
move  by  the  enemy  at  bay  will  rout  an  attacking  party 
of  four  times  their  strength.  Half  a  dozen  boys  caught 
at  a  disadvantage  will  charge  unscathed  through  a  gang 
of  nearly  two  score,  who  fly  in  all  directions  at  this  un- 
expected display  of  bravery.  One  boy,  for  instance, 
was  recently  beset  by  eight  others  when  he  was  about 
to  leave  the  factory.  Instead  of  retreating  as  they  ex- 
pected, he  suddenly  seized  a  club,  charged  one  wing 
of  his  assailants,  and  escaped  unhurt.  On  the  other 
hand,  here  is  a  case  in  which  one  of  the  victims  was 
caught: 

52 


HIS   GANGS 

"Jim  and  me  was  goin'  down  the  street,  w'en  about 
six  fellers  from  the  Fiftieth  Street  gang  hot-footed  after 
us.  We  ran  but  they  got  right  close  and  hollered  to 
us  to  halt.  I  made  out  like  I  was  goin'  to  stop  but  got 
a  fresh  start  w'en  they  slacked  up  and  got  away.  Jim 
did  stop  and  they  near  killed  him,  they  beat  him 
up  so." 

"Oh!  They  would-a  killed  me  if  they'd  got  me," 
said  one  boy,  relating  how  he  had  been  chased  into  a 
hallway  by  five  or  six  of  a  rival  gang,  armed  with 
bottles,  clubs,  and  bricks.  "  I  hid  in  a  toilet,  and  when 
they  came  up  to  look  in  I  rushed  out  on  'em  and  took 
'em  by  surprise;  I  pushed  one  feller  down  the  steps 
and  beat  it,  but  they  didn't  catch  me."  And  a  similar 
story  was  told  by  another.  "After  I  wins  in  my  fight 
with  bot'  Mike  and  his  pal  me  little  brother  hears  'em 
telling  one  day  how  they  was  goin'  to  lay  for  me  in  the 
hallway  wit  clubs.  I  runs  up  tru  de  house  next  door 
on  the  roof  tru  de  house  where  dey  was  goin'  to  lay  for 
me  and  hides  in  the  toilet  wit  a  big  club.  When  I  hear 
Mike  and  his  pal  come  in  an'  talkin'  right  near  me  I 
rushes  out  and  bangs  right  an'  left  wit  me  club.  I  hits 
'em  bot'  on  de  bean  (head)  an'  dey  runs  out.  After 
that  they  never  bothered  me." 

Gang  fighting,  in  fact,  as  practiced  in  this  neighbor- 
hood, is  conducive  to  neither  manliness,  honor,  courage, 
nor  self-respect.  The  strength  of  the  boy  is  the  strength 
of  the  gang,  and  under  its  protection  unspeakable  hor- 
rors take  place  for  which  it  is  impossible  to  place  re- 
sponsibility. Rumors  of  boys  being  stabbed,  shot, 
clubbed,  maimed,  and  even  killed  are  current  every- 
where, and  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  many 
of  them  are  true.     Such  things  are,  of  course,  never 

53 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

mentioned  to  strangers,  and  residents  learn  of  them 
only  by  chance  conversation.  The  moment  that  any 
definite  questions  are  asked,  the  boys  become  reticent 
and  change  the  subject.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  many  crimes  are  committed  in  these  blocks  which 
never  reach  the  ears  of  the  police,  and  that  a  consider- 
able proportion  of  them  are  due  to  the  boy  and  his 
gang. 

And  so  the  word  "gang"  here  has  grown  to  be  syn- 
onymous with  the  worst  side  of  boy  life,  and  the  group 
itself,  which  might  in  other  surroundings  and  under 
other  traditions  be  a  positive  civic  asset,  simply  adds 
the  irresponsibility  of  the  mob  to  the  recklessness  of 
youth  and  becomes  a  force  which  turns  West  Side  boy- 
hood into  cowards  and  savages.  As  a  priest  of  one 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  churches  said  the  other  day, 
"The  social  evil  may  be  an  important  one,  but  the 
question  in  this  neighborhood  is  that  of  the  gangs." 


54 


CHAPTER    V 
HIS    HOME 

AMONG  the  influences  which  mold  the  destinies 
of  the  West  Side  boy  one  still  remains  to  be 
mentioned.  We  have  tried  to  sketch  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  community  in  which  he  finds  himself 
and  to  indicate  the  causes  and  the  traditions  which  have 
produced  them.  We  have  watched  him  in  the  daylight 
glare  of  his  playground,  and  followed  him  through  his 
games  and  the  maneuvers  of  his  gang.  School,  and  in 
later  years,  the  shop  or  factory,  rarely  work  any  appre- 
ciable change  in  his  make-up.  The  former  is  usually 
treated  by  the  class  of  boys  with  whom  we  are  dealing 
as  a  long  game  between  himself  and  the  truant  officer. 
The  latter  comes  into  his  life  too  late  and  often  too 
unsuitably  to  be  regarded  by  him  as  anything  but  so 
many  dreary  years  of  necessary  imprisonment.  But 
back  of  his  chequered  little  life  on  the  docks  and 
streets  stand  his  mother  and  his  tenement  home,  and 
surely  it  is  to  them,  if  anywhere,  that  we  must  look  for 
the  guidance  that  is  to  help  him  and  the  influence  that 
is  to  counteract  the  wild  persuasions  of  the  playground. 
Is  this  home  attractive?  Can  it  be?  Does  his 
mother  understand  her  boy  and  his  difficulties,  even 
if  she  can  cope  with  her  own?  If  she  does,  how  far 
can  she  help  him?  If  she  does  not,  how  far  is  she 
blameworthy?  What  is  her  attitude  toward  the 
West   Side  problems?    To  what   extent   is  she — can 

55 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

she  be — responsible  for  her  children's  conduct?  How 
far  right  are  the  judges  of  the  New  York  children's 
court,  and  how  far  wrong,  in  holding  West  Side  par- 
ents responsible  for  the  misdemeanors  of  their  sons? 
Let  us  look  at  the  home  outside  and  within,  visit  the 
mother  and  hear  her  side  of  the  story;  for  these  are 
questions  which  must  be  asked  and  answered  before  our 
picture  of  the  West  Side  boy  is  complete. 

It  would  be  impossible  with  any  truth  to  call  the 
tenement  buildings  externally  attractive.  Surround- 
ing the  factories  on  all  sides,  wedged  between  tall, 
noisy  buildings,  standing  almost  alone  in  a  block  of 
lumber  and  wagon  yards,  or  sometimes  occupying 
entire  blocks  to  the  exclusion  of  everything  else,  they 
rise  singly,  in  groups,  or  in  rows  along  the  streets  and 
avenues,  ugly,  monotonous,  of  an  indistinguishable 
sameness.  Most  of  them  face  squarely  up  to  the 
sidewalk,  with  no  areaway  in  front,  behind  them 
narrow  cement-paved  courts,  round  which  the  shabby 
walls  rear  themselves,  cutting  off  sunlight  and  giving 
to  each  little  well  of  air-space  the  gloominess  of  a 
canon.  Every  type  of  obsolete  dwelling,  condemned 
by  the  building  laws  of  a  decade  ago,  is  present  in 
block  lengths,  teeming  and  seething  with  human  life, 
and  accepted  with  that  philosophy  of  poverty  which 
holds  that  such  things  are  a  part  of  the  natural  scheme 
which  created  Fifth  Avenue  for  the  man  who  doesn't 
have  to  work  and  Eleventh  Avenue  for  the  man  who 
does.  The  "dumb-bell"  and  "railroad"  types  of 
tenement  with  dark  inner  rooms,  first  sanctioned  by 
the  laws  of  the  late  70's  but  condemned  as  dangerous 
and  unsanitary  nearly  a  decade  ago,  predominate. 
These  buildings  were  erected  for  the  most  part  over 

56 


HIS    HOME 

twenty-five  years  ago  (some  are  forty  years  old  or 
more),  and  in  the  ten  years  preceding  191 1  only  two 
modern  tenements  had  been  erected  in  the  whole  dis- 
trict. Most  of  the  tenements  so  adjoin  that  the  roofs 
of  one  are  accessible  from  those  on  either  side.  Fre- 
quently this  condition  continues  through  the  whole 
block,  so  that  a  marauder,  a  fleeing  small  boy,  or  a 
fugitive  from  justice,  may  dodge  up  one  stairway, 
cross  several  roofs,  and  descend  by  another.  Simi- 
larly, if  one  street  door  is  locked,  the  tenement  can 
usually  be  entered  from  the  adjoining  building  by 
way  of  the  roof. 

Inside,  the  tenements  offer  a  depressing  study  in 
bad  housing  conditions.  The  hall  is  dark,  the  stair- 
way small  and  ill-lighted;  modern  toilet  and  sanitary 
facilities  in  many  cases  are  absent.  The  rooms  are 
often  infested  with  mice,  roaches,  and  bed-bugs.  The 
slender  airshaft  is  frequently  so  inaccessible  that  refuse 
and  rubbish  thrown  into  it  from  adjacent  windows 
may  lie  for  months  in  a  rotting  accumulation  at  the 
bottom.  A  large  proportion  of  the  families  are  herded 
in  flats  containing  from  two  to  four  rooms,  which  are 
very  small  and  receive  a  minimum  of  light  and  air 
from  their  few  and  often  overshadowed  windows. 

The  number  of  rooms  occupied  by  200  of  these 
families,  as  shown  by  the  table  given  in  the  Appendix,* 
is  to  some  extent  misleading,  for  the  rooms  are  often 
not  really  separate.  Owing  to  restrictions  of  space 
there  are  rarely  doors  between  the  rooms  in  the  pre- 
vailing type  of  tenements;  only  doorways;  and  whether 
these  are  hung  with  curtains  or  not,  privacy  within  the 
home  is  naturally  almost  impossible.     Family  quarrels 

*  See  Appendix,  Table  6,  p.  169. 

57 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

or  Saturday  night's  drunken  brawl  too  often  take  place 
in  the  presence  of  the  children.  Moreover,  walls  are 
so  thin  that  every  word  spoken  above  an  ordinary  tone 
of  voice  is  plainly  audible  through  them  to  the  inmates 
of  the  next  flat.  A  social  worker  who  was  for  a  time 
resident  here  said  recently:  "In  the  first  part  of  this 
month  there  were  three  cases  of  wife-beating  in  one 
tenement  alone.  This  tenement  is  of  so-called  'model' 
construction,  has  an  exceptionally  high  rent,  attempts 
to  restrict  crowding,  and  prides  itself  on  an  extra  high 
grade  of  tenants.  Yet  the  quarreling  and  brawling 
between  husband  and  wife  in  all  parts  of  the  building 
seem  to  be  incessant.  It  even  breaks  the  sleep  of  the 
children  and  other  tenants  in  the  early  hours  of  the 
morning." 

In  homes  like  these  it  is  scarcely  possible  for  even 
the  smallest  families  to  live  in  decency.  But  small 
families  are  not  the  rule  on  the  West  Side.  Of  the  231 
families  for  which  information  regarding  the  number 
of  living  children  was  secured,  163,  or  71  per  cent,  had 
four  or  more  children.  Families  having  five  children 
formed  the  largest  group;  and  one  family  had  11 
living  children.* 

Day  begins  for  the  housewife  at  6  o'clock,  or  even 
earlier  if  she  works  outside  the  home,  and  ordinarily 
her  children  are  up  and  on  the  streets  by  half  past  seven. 
For  breakfast  she  usually  prepares  a  quantity  of  food 
and  leaves  it  at  the  disposal  of  the  family.  The  mem- 
bers, as  they  rise,  successively  go  to  the  kitchen  and 
help  themselves.  The  workers  go  to  the  stores  and 
factories,  and  the  children  to  school  or  the  streets.     By 

*  For  further  data  regarding  size  of  families,  see  Appendix,  Table 
7,  p.  170. 

58 


HIS    HOME 

half  past  seven  the  factories  are  in  full  operation,  the 
stores  are  open,  and  the  day's  work  has  begun.  From 
half  past  eight  to  nine,  the  streets  are  thronged  with 
children  going  to  school,  or  sometimes  to  steal  a  riotous 
holiday  on  the  streets  and  docks  as  truants.  At  noon 
they  return  to  snatch  a  hasty  lunch  served  in  the  same 
impromptu  way  as  breakfast,  and  then  the  woman  is 
left  alone  again  to  wash  and  cook  and  mend  and  gossip 
till  supper  time,  if  she  is  not  one  of  the  many  West  Side 
mothers  who  must  go  out  to  earn.*  In  that  case,  the 
household  tasks  must  be  done  after  she  returns  home 
at  night. 

Such  is  the  average  tenement  home,  abiding  place 
of  our  West  Side  boy  and  his  family.  In  a  very  large 
number  of  cases  the  family  is  a  "broken"  one.f 

As  regards  ambitions  and  ideals,  the  word  "home" 
may  stand  for  anything  from  the  thrifty  German  house- 
hold with  its  level  head  for  the  budget  to  a  down-at- 
the-heels,  loose-hinged  group  of  people  who  share 
the  same  abiding  place,  but  scarcely  claim  the  name 
of  family.  Of  course,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
this  is  a  neighborhood  from  which  the  sturdiest,  those 
having  the  lucky  combination  of  prosperity,  vigor, 
and  ambition,  have  pulled  away.  They  have  shaken 
clear  both  from  the  ill-repaired  and  inconvenient 
houses  and  from  the  district's  reputation  for  "tough- 
ness." Here  and  there  a  fairly  well-to-do  family  has 
been  held  by  the  ownership  of  a  business  or  a  house, 

*  For  economic  status  of  the  mothers  in  222  of  the  241  families  of 
delinquent  boys,  see  Appendix,  Table  8,  p.  170.  See  also  Anthony, 
op.  cit.,  p.  59. 

t  The  conjugal  condition  of  the  parents  in  233  families  is  shown  in 
the  Appendix,  Table  9,  p.  171.  For  eight  of  the  group  of  241  families 
this  information  was  not  available. 

59 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

or  because  to  be  a  power  even  in  a  block  like  one  of 
these  is  more  satisfying  than  to  be  second  elsewhere. 
Others  have  stayed  from  inertia,  shaking  their  heads 
over  lax  West  Side  customs,  but  on  the  whole  accept- 
ing them  with  the  acquiescence  of  habit;  and  naturally, 
on  the  level  of  the  neighborhood,  they  have  entered 
into  its  life  and  made  their  friends  here.  They  will 
drift  back  after  brief  outward  excursions,  from  sheer 
loneliness.  But  most  commonly  the  people  here  are 
too  strongly  fettered  to  break  loose;  they  are  bound 
to  these  dreary  surroundings  for  their  lives. 

Practically  every  family  has  rubbed  elbows  with 
poverty  too  familiar  for  comment,*  or  seen  it  close 
at  hand  among  the  neighbors  in  the  house  and  the 
children  who  play  with  their  own  on  the  street.  In 
many  families  poverty  is  a  basic  condition  underlying 
their  many  catastrophes  and  the  whole  tenure  of  their 
unstable  fortunes.  Often  the  budget  simply  cannot 
be  stretched  by  any  system  of  economy  to  cover  the 
requisites  for  healthy  and  sturdy  growth.  Such 
requisites  become  luxuries,  too  extravagant  for  many 
a  child.  Teeth  and  eyes  go  uncared  for,  nourishment 
is  inadequate,  and  misbehavior  may  easily  spring  in 
the  wake  of  this  negligence;  often  it  does.  For  none 
of  these  children  is  good  air  obtainable  except  in  short 
intervals.  And  very  closely  associated  with  the 
moral  indifference  of  many  an  adolescent  boy  are  the 
noise  and  overcrowding  within  his  own  home  to  which 
he  is  accustomed  from  babyhood.  Sleep  in  a  stuffy, 
dark  bedroom,  with  two  or  three  other  occupants,  has  a 

*  The  relief  records  of  86  families  who  were  known  to  have  received 
aid,  and  the  duration  of  the  relief  records  in  73  of  these  cases,  are 
given  in  the  Appendix,  Tables  10  and  1 1,  pp.  171  and  172. 

60 


HIS    HOME 

telling  effect  both  on  mind  and  body,  and  never  from 
morning  to  night  are  these  tenements  quiet.  At  the 
very  outset  poverty  destroys  the  possibilities  of  normal 
development.  The  tenement  child  runs  his  race,  but 
it  is  always  a  handicap. 

Facing  these  harsh  circumstances  is  a  set  of  women 
who,  though  intimacy  reveals  among  them  varied 
dispositions  and  abilities,  have  yet  developed  out  of 
the  common  experience  many  of  the  same  ideas  and 
lines  of  action.  To  their  share  falls  the  heaviest 
responsibility  for  the  discipline  and  training  of  the  chil- 
dren. The  father  is  in  the  background  and  may  be 
used  as  a  court  of  appeal.  Or  perhaps  he  is  to  be 
guarded  against, — another  source  of  anxiety  to  the 
mother,  who  assumes  the  difficult  role  of  "standing 
between."  Among  the  more  intelligent  families  he 
usually  has  a  decisive  voice  in  important  questions 
as  to  school  or  work,  and  frequently  he  is  the  stricter 
parent,  and  carries  more  authority.  But  the  day-in 
and  day-out  management  and  care  is  the  woman's. 
These  mothers  of  the  tenements  are  confronted  by 
the  same  problems,  and  they  conform  to  certain  types 
which  it  is  not  difficult  to  recognize. 

Very  familiar  is  the  figure  of  the  well-meaning 
woman  who  has  kept  her  own  decency,  not  without 
a  struggle,  but  has  proved  hopelessly  ineffective  as  a 
mother.  She  is  usually  ill-equipped  to  conceive  or 
enter  into  the  feelings  of  an  imperious,  self-absorbed, 
and  overstimulated  youngster.  Her  very  decency 
has  often  forced  her  into  a  dull  routine  with  a  gray, 
colorless  outlook,  out  of  sympathy  with  youth  that  re- 
fuses to  accept  the  shadows  of  her  own  overworked 
and  saddened  lot.     Many  of  these  women  came  from 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

Ireland  as  mere  girls,  alone  or  "brought  by  a  friend," 
to  go  into  the  drudgery  of  living  out.  Their  working 
days  began  in  childhood.  Mrs.  Macy  drew  her  own 
picture:  Herself  a  child  of  twelve,  she  started  out 
to  "mind"  children.  "  I  had  a  little  hat  wi'  daisies  all 
roun'  the  brim  an'  ribbons  hangin'  off  the  back  with 
daisies  fastened  on,  and  with  one  hand  I  was  hangin* 
on  to  a  hunk  of  m'lasses  candy.  I  sure  was  childish 
lookin'  help  but  I  held  the  job  for  six  years."  Then 
came  the  marriage  "to  get  a  home  of  my  own,"  fol- 
lowed by  those  terrible  first  years  of  bitter  disillusion- 
ment and  wretchedness.  "He'd  leave  me  alone  in 
the  house  of  an  evening — I'd  never  been  used  to  that. 
I  was  frightened,  an'  I'd  cry."  Soon  child  came  after 
child,  probably  with  a  quota  early  given  to  death, 
and  with  those  who  lived  arose  the  problem  of  their 
rearing. 

Almost  at  once  the  women  are  awakened  to  the 
menace  of  the  streets  which  become  their  common 
enemy.  "To  keep  the  boy  off  the  streets"  is  the 
phrase  everywhere  repeated,  pitiful  in  its  futility. 
For  every  contrivance  or  device  is  useless  once  the 
boy  has  responded  to  their  lure.  The  "fixed  up" 
parlor  with  its  lavishness  of  staring  rugs  and  curtains, 
its  piano,  the  symbol  of  many  an  hour's  toil  and  am- 
bition, or  its  phonograph,  is  exhibited  by  the  mother 
with  much  satisfaction.  Yet  it  crops  out  that  in 
spite  of  these  attractions  Willie  does  not  stay  at  home, 
and  that  only  for  severe  punishment  is  he  "kept  up." 
Or,  where  restriction  is  tried,  a  boy  makes  use  of  every 
sort  of  subterfuge  in  order  to  escape.  An  errand,  a 
visit  to  a  boy's  house,  a  club,  even  church,  are  the 

62 


HIS    HOME 

alleged  destinations  which  really  serve  as  a  pathway 
to  the  "hang-out"  of  the  gang. 

If  such  competition  with  the  street  is  futile  when 
the  family  is  comparatively  well-to-do,  what  chance 
has  the  mother  with  no  such  attractions  at  hand? 
Her  home  consists  of  three  or  four  dark,  stuffy  rooms, 
destitute  of  carpet,  or  perhaps  with  a  frayed  strip 
or  two,  and  a  meager  allowance  of  shabby  furniture. 
There  is  no  space  for  a  separate  parlor.  The  evening 
meal,  the  one  family  event,  is  eaten  in  the  kitchen, 
perhaps  in  cramped  quarters  where  each  one  takes 
his  turn  for  a  chair.  The  very  conditions  which  her 
own  standards  impose,  the  fact  that  she  "does  not 
bother  with  such  like  in  this  house,"  has  "no  time 
for  comp'ny,"  or  "never  set  foot  in  one  o'  them  silly 
shows,"  cut  her  off  completely  from  comprehending 
the  excitement  and  charm  of  the  streets  to  which  her 
children  yield  so  eagerly. 

Some  of  these  women  have  carried  for  years  the 
burden  of  a  shiftless  husband.  With  dumb  patience 
they  accept  their  lot — there  is  always  the  fact  that 
"four  or  five  dollars  is  better  than  none,  an'  it  means 
a  lot  to  me  on  the  rent."  And  when  even  this  help 
is  lacking,  it  may  be  "he  did  used  t'  be  a  good  man 
t'  me  an'  in  his  day  he's  worked  hard  in  the  slaughter 
house.  He  sez  I'd  be  pretty  mean  t'  turn  him  out 
after  all  these  years.  He  can't  last  much  longer,  an' 
it's  hard  t'  know  what's  right.  Most  every  night 
he  comes  up  here  done.  We  have  to  laugh  at  him 
a  good  deal  an'  so  manage  t'  get  along."  A  pretty 
grim  kind  of  humor,  this.  In  such  cases  it  is  well 
if  the  man  is  no  longer  there.  Sometimes  the  wife 
has  mustered  all  her  power  of  decision  and  made  the 

63 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

effort  to  eject  a  chronic  loafer  from  the  home.  "I 
talked  and  I  talked  for  years,"  said  Mrs.  McCarthy, 
"an'  he  thought  I  wouldn't  do  nothin'.  I  couldn't 
put  him  away,  but  1  got  the  judge  t'  make  him  keep 
out  of  my  home.  '  Don't  you  never  bother  this  woman,' 
he  sez.  I  had  got  to  hate  him  so  I  couldn't  stand 
it  to  look  at  him  when  I  heard  him  come  down  the 
hall  to  the  door  an'  me  standin'  there  over  me  irons 
and  me  tub." 

The  bitter  lesson  of  endurance  so  well  learned, 
familiar  as  second  nature,  is  repeated  again  and  again 
with  sons  who  are  too  lazy  to  work  and  depend  upon 
the  mother's  earnings  for  what  thay  cannot  get  by 
gambling  or  stealing.  Often  her  force  is  spent.  She 
is  weak,  querulous,  discouraged.  To  expect  her  to 
stem  the  tide  of  outside  forces  which  are  molding  the 
boy  into  the  nerveless  or  vicious  man  his  father  was 
before  him  is  to  ask  the  utterly  impossible.  Perhaps 
she  will  close  her  eyes,  like  Mrs.  Gates,  whose  only  son 
has  joined  a  gang  of  sneak  thieves  but  who  maintains 
that  "Jimmy  is  a  good  boy  and  never  was  no  trouble 
to  me."  In  her  heart  she  knows  there  is  something 
amiss,  but  she  turns  a  deaf  ear  to  any  hint  of  wrong- 
doing. Sometimes  the  mother  admits  everything, 
enlarging  and  complaining,  but  at  the  end  sits  weakly 
back.  "What  can  I  do?  What  th'  b'ys  does  outside 
they  don't  bes  aifter  tellin'  inside,  an'  I  can't  be  keepin' 
tracks  on  thim  all  th'  toime." 

In  the  judgment  of  such  mothers  a  boy's  good  nature 
makes  up  for  serious  dereliction.  A  fellow  who  is 
thoroughly  "in  wid  de  push,"  according  to  her  is 
"just  wild  like,  not  bad.  He's  thot  obliging  and  does 
onything   I   ask  about  the  house."     Many  a  slip  is 

64 


Approaching  the  "Gopher"  Age 


One   Diversion  of  the  Older  Roys 


HIS    HOME 

forgiven  a  stalwart  fellow  by  the  woman  who  is  feed- 
ing and  clothing  him  if  he  brings  in  her  coal,  puts  up 
a  curtain,  and  does  not  "answer  back."  So  great  in 
their  lives  is  the  dearth  of  common  kindliness.  When 
he  takes  to  his  heels,  she  confesses  to  "feelin'  kind  o' 
lonely  without  Dan  around,"  and  nine  times  out  of 
ten  she  welcomes  him  back  when  his  spell  of  wandering 
is  over. 

Too  often,  however,  this  good  feeling  is  absent  and 
active  antagonism  and  bickering  marks  the  spirit 
of  the  place  called  "home."  The  mother  who  from 
"feelin'  it  her  duty  to  talk  to  'em  though  they  don't 
pay  no  heed"  degenerates  into  the  "nagger,"  and  so 
has  taken  the  fatal  step  which  makes  impossible  any- 
thing like  affection  or  harmony  between  her  and  the 
boy.  The  result  is  always  the  same:  the  sullen  fellow 
slouching  before  the  querulous,  upbraiding  parent, 
resentful  in  every  line,  ready  to  jerk  away  snarling, 
or  to  flash  out  in  a  pitched  battle  of  tempers,  leaving 
behind  bitterness,  misunderstanding  and  anger.  Some- 
times this  shipwreck  is  accepted  with  a  Spartan  quies- 
cence; lifelong  experience  forces  these  women  for  mere 
self-preservation  into  an  endurance  grown  easier  than 
revolt.  Yet  the  suffering  is  great,  and  these  mothers, 
inadequate  and  weak  as  they  are,  form  one  of  the 
most  pitiful  chapters  in  the  story  of  juvenile  de- 
linquency. 

But  there  is  the  woman,  here  as  everywhere,  who 
refuses  to  fold  her  hands,  who  is  alert  and  decisive. 
She  is  not  likely  to  be  found  in  homes  where  the  most 
stringent  pressure  of  want  or  overwork  is  felt.  Yet 
she  is  not  of  necessity  the  best  educated-or  most  refined. 
She  is  always  shrewd,  with  a  keen  perception  of  the 

65 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

boy's  side  of  the  story,  but  also  with  a  very  clear  and 
determined  perception  of  her  own.  Very  likely  she  was 
born  and  brought  up  within  a  few  blocks  of  her  pres- 
ent home.  But  the  experiences  of  her  own  childhood 
form  no  parallel  to  those  of  this  generation.  In  her 
day  everything  to  the  west  of  Tenth  Avenue  was  open 
playgrounds;  truant  officers  were  unknown,  and  an 
arrest  was  a  thing  to  be  spoken  of  in  whispers.  Still 
she  has  grown  up  with  the  district  and  has  listened  to 
the  current  gossip.  Her  first  axiom  is  that  no  knowl- 
edge of  a  boy's  doings  will  come  amiss;  her  second, 
that  such  information  cannot  be  expected  from  the  boy 
himself.  Even  among  the  best  of  women  a  system 
of  spying  is  carried  on,  although  the  wisest  do  not 
make  this  apparent  unless  occasion  demands,  but 
quietly  "keep  an  eye  on  that  boy."  It  may  be  a 
strong  motive  for  staying  in  an  undesirable  block  that 
"  If  we  go,  James  '11  just  be  back  here  an'  then  he'll 
be  out  from  under  me."  They  understand  the  fallacy 
of  moving  to  separate  a  boy  from  bad  company, 
unless  one  can  go  to  a  suburb,  from  which  there  are 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  transportation  to  the  West 
Side.  When  conversation  among  the  boys  can  be 
overheard  they  "take  occasion  to  listen."  "I  don't 
go  out  very  much  but  I've  me  ways  o'  findin'  out," 
says  Mrs.  Moran,  "an'  they  know  they  can't  fool  me." 
The  amount  of  credit  to  give  to  tale  bearing  and  com- 
plaints is  a  question  to  puzzle  the  shrewdest.  It  is 
an  important  source  of  information,  yet  "you  can't 
believe  everything  you  hear."  The  irate  complainant 
who  fails  to  get  the  expected  warmth  of  support  from 
maternal  authority  needs  to  realize  that  the  life  of  the 
West  Side  boy  is  one  continuous  fracas  with  the  land- 

66 


HIS    HOME 


lord,  the  janitress,  the  corner  grocery  man,  the  "Ginnie" 
paper  dealer,  and  the  "cop."  Complaints  come  to 
the  mother  from  all  sides  and  are  often  unfounded. 
"  I  had  him  up  in  the  house  for  playin'  hookey,  an' 
I  watched  them  fellows  crookin'  the  bolognie  off  the 
cart  myself,  or  I  might  a'  thought  it  was  him."  More- 
over, it  is  understood  that  a  boy  has  a  right  to  expect 
a  certain  amount  of  support  from  his  mother.  Her 
defense  is  natural,  but  she  cannot  carry  it  too  far  or 
a  boy  may  lose  all  fear  of  restraint  at  home.  One 
mother  told  of  hearing  a  youngster  boast,  "Aw — 
g'wan — tell  my  mother — she  don't  care  what  I  do." 
"And  that  hurts,"  she  said  with  emphasis,  "fer  a  boy 
to  give  his  own  mother  a  name  like  that." 

Altogether  "it's  no  easy  matter  bringin'  up  a  boy 
in  New  York."  Truancy  and  cigarettes  are  issues  on 
which  many  a  judicious  woman  must  confess  defeat. 
She  knows  that  surface  evidence  is  not  to  be  taken. 
The  appearance  of  a  boy  at  the  proper  hours  with  his 
books  does  not  prove  that  they  have  not  been  "kept" 
in  a  candy  store  while  the  youngster  had  an  eye  on 
the  time.  Smoking  is  still  harder  to  regulate,  and 
though  a  youngster  "don't  dare  to  do  it  in  the  house" 
few  women  feel  sure  as  to  what  happens  outside. 
One  confessed  to  avoiding  the  issue.  "I  knew  he 
was  smoking  a  long  time— smelt  it— but  I  never  let 
on.  I  thought  he'd  do  it  open  if  1  did  and  do  it 
more."  Amusements  which  can  safely  be  sanctioned 
are  hard  to  find.  Pigeon  flying  almost  always  is 
frowned  upon  for  fear  of  accidents  on  the  roofs  and 
because  "them  pigeons  are  the  ruination  of  b'ys, 
keepin'  them  out  o'  school,  an'  into  the  comp'ny  of 
them  big  toughs  as  has  'em."     Every  shade  of  opinion 

67 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

is  expressed  in  regard  to  the  "nickel  dumps,"  as  the 
moving  picture  shows  are  called.  Some  believe  that 
"them  places  is  the  worst  thing  that  ever  happened 
to  New  York,  settin'  b'ys  to  gamblin'  and  stealin'." 
Others  set  upon  them  the  seal  of  approval.  "A  b'y's 
got  t'  do  somethin'  an'  I  don't  see  no  harm  in  a  good 
show  that  keeps  him  off  the  streets." 

It  goes  without  saying  that  these  families  have  no 
very  large  sums  of  money  to  give  their  children,  but 
the  wisdom  of  allowing  a  boy  some  spending  money  is 
recognized.  It  is,  in  fact,  far  more  essential  than  in 
most  communities,  for  here  almost  everything  desir- 
able must  be  paid  for,  from  carfare  to  a  ball  ground 
to  the  highly  coveted  coin  for  a  nickel  show.  Money 
is  usually  given  to  school  boys  in  small  quantities  and 
for  definite  things.  "If  he  gets  a  quarter  a  week, 
he  doesn't  get  it  all  at  once."  And  the  boy  must  show 
that  it  was  spent  as  intended.  With  the  boy  who  is 
working,  the  amount  he  contributes  to  the  household 
is  an  important  basis  of  judgment  on  his  character. 
If  he  works  regularly  and  hands  over  his  envelope,  he 
may  still  have  peccadilloes,  but  his  main  duties  are  ac- 
complished. If,  on  the  other  hand,  he  is  "wise"  and 
"deep,"  he  will  lie  as  to  what  he  is  earning  and  keep 
more  than  is  thought  to  be  his  due.  Or,  all  too  often, 
he  will  scorn  work  altogether  and  his  mother  will  be 
known  to  "  have  had  bad  luck  with  that  boy."  The  out- 
sider often  expresses  pity  for  the  child  who  must  hand 
over  the  bulk  of  his  meager  earnings.  But  the  moral 
sentiment  of  the  neighborhood  insists  upon  this  duty, 
and  with  good  reason,  for  the  rearing  of  children  is 
indeed  no  easy  matter  here,  even  when  it  has  not  gone 
much  further  than  supplying  necessities.    Often  the 

68 


HIS    HOME 

price  paid  in  weariness,  pain,  and  ill-health  has  been 
sore,  and  the  slight  help  that  the  child  can  contribute 
after  the  long  years  of  waiting  is  the  father's  or 
mother's  due. 

Nevertheless,  when  a  boy  reaches  working  age,  some 
allowance  from  his  earnings  is  his  by  right,  and  it  is 
this  fact  which  adds  to  his  desire  to  leave  school  early. 
During  the  first  year,  when  the  wage  ranges  from  $3.50 
to  $5.00  a  week,  an  allowance  of  50  cents  seems  to  be 
general.  Occasionally,  25  cents  is  considered  enough, 
but  this  is  generally  felt  to  be  "stingy."  At  the  same 
time,  "it  is  not  for  a  boy's  good  havin'  too  much  in  his 
hands."  Sometimes  he  has  fi.ooa  week  and  buys  his 
own  clothes.  Lunch  money  and  carfares  to  work  are, 
of  course,  allowed  extra.  Tips  are  generally  accorded 
to  be  his  own;  it  is  a  mark  of  high  virtue  to  surrender 
them.  A  woman  will  tell  with  pride,  "  He  knew  I  was 
hard  up  and  he  gave  me  his  tips."  Occasionally  a 
mother  dislikes  to  have  her  son  working  in  a  place 
where  he  is  tipped,  because  it  is  then  impossible  to 
know  how  much  money  is  rightfully  his.  He  can 
account  very  easily  for  the  possession  of  a  surplus.  The 
amount  a  boy  is  spending  is  always  a  matter  on  which 
a  canny  mother  "has  her  eye."  Any  doubt  brings  the 
sharp  question,  "Now,  where  did  you  get  the  money 
for  that?"  If  he  is  unduly  "flush"  he  is  on  the  border- 
line of  danger,  and  her  suspicions  are  keen.  She  knows 
that  the  temptation  to  petty  theft  is  constant.  As  his 
wages  rise  his  spending  money  increases,  and  if  he  still 
lives  at  home  at  the  age  of  eighteen  or  nineteen  he 
usually  ceases  to  hand  over  his  earnings  but  pays  for 
his  board.     With  this  increased  independence  comes  a 

69 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

general  feeling  that  the  time  of  subservience  is  passing 
and  that  "you  can't  say  much  to  a  boy  of  that  age." 

On  the  whole,  this  type  of  mother  is  lenient  and 
broadminded,  realizing  that  "you  can't  keep  a  boy  tied 
to  your  apron  strings,"  and  too  sensible  to  set  up  any 
impossible  standards.  But  the  wisest  of  them  know — ■ 
and  rare  and  valuable,  indeed,  is  such  wisdom — that 
once  a  boy  has  passed  the  boundary  line,  punishment 
must  be  meted  out  in  no  faltering  or  indecisive  way. 
"  He  don't  dare  do  that,  he  knows  he  won't  be  let," 
spoken  with  a  certain  emphasis,  carries  weight,  and 
lucky  is  the  boy  who  with  consistency  and  firmness  "is 
not  let."  But  on  the  West  Side  such  discipline  is  not 
common. 

Many  of  the  mothers  reflect  the  average  opinions  of 
the  neighborhood.  They  are  rough-and-ready  Irish 
women  who  give  themselves  no  airs  and  "don't  pre- 
tend to  be  better  than  the  people  they  was  raised  with"; 
women  with  a  coarse  and  hearty  good  nature,  easy- 
going standards,  and,  if  occasion  demands,  a  good  asser- 
tive tongue.  As  a  rule,  the  burden  of  discipline  sits 
easily  on  their  shoulders.  "Oi  juist  drrive  thim  out — 
th'  whole  raft  o'  thim,"  says  Mrs.  Haggerty,  blessed 
with  eight  children  and  four  rooms.  "Oi  can't  be  both- 
ered with  th'  noise  o'  thim,  Oi'm  that  nearvous."  These 
women  are  not  necessarily  "a  bad  lot"  as  the  district 
goes,  but  neither  are  they  over-particular.  If  a  boy 
has  no  complaints  from  school,  or  has  held  his  job  and 
managed  to  keep  out  of  the  hands  of  the  "cop"  for  the 
last  few  months,  "he's  a  good  b'ye,"  and  any  "wild- 
ness"  in  his  past  can  be  excused  and  forgotten.  On 
the  other  hand,  if  he  has  happened  to  give  "trrouble," 
the  chance  visitor  is  likely  to  hear  the  tale  from  A  to  Z 

70 


HIS    HOME  - 

and,  if  the  youngster  has  had  the  bad  luck  to  be  pres- 
ent, with  a  good,  round  scolding  for  him  thrown  in. 

There  is  little  delicacy  or  finesse  about  this  discipline; 
it  is  of  the  hammer  and  tongs  variety.  In  the  vast 
majority  of  these  homes,  even  those  of  higher  type,  the 
emotions  rule  at  one  moment  with  cuff  and  shout,  at 
the  next  with  a  caress  or  a  laugh.  No  consistency  is 
maintained,  and  the  clever  youngster  soon  learns  by 
the  signs  when  to  duck  and  when  to  "clear  out,"  just 
as  a  little  later  he  learns  the  earmarks  of  the  "dinny" 
and  knows  when  to  "cheese  it."  There  is  a  constant 
piling  up  of  threats  which  mean  nothing.  When  Joseph 
boasts  of  his  gang  and  their  glories,  "What,  are  youse 
fightin'  with  that  crew?"  Mrs.  Dooley  raps  out.  "  You 
just  better  not  let  me  catch  you  or  you'll  get  all  that's 
comin'  to  youse."  But  she  can  back  him  up  as  hotly 
and  unreasonably  as  she  berates  him,  and  the  ill-starred 
policeman  who  comes  beneath  the  onslaught  of  her 
tongue  and  within  the  range  of  her  invective  will  find 
discretion  the  better  part  of  valor  and  do  well  to  hold 
his  peace. 

But  most  tragic  and  helpless  of  all  is  the  mother  who 
has  gone  down  before  the  vicissitudes  of  her  life.  She 
belongs  to  the  scum  of  our  cities,  accorded  no  respect  and 
scant  pity,  only  the  scorn  of  her  more  "decent "  neighbor 
of  the  tenements.  She  may  still  be  holding  her  family 
together,  but  is  almost  always  weak  and  enervated. 
Their  unkempt  and  wretched  quarters,  their  nomadic 
wanderings  from  house  to  house  and  block  to  block, 
reflect  her  own  failure.  The  father  may  be  the  "  better 
of  the  two,"  but  without  her  aid  he  is  almost  always 
incapable  of  keeping  their  heads  far  above  water.  Often 
he  is  another  of  her  kind,  and  both  have  become  the 

7i 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

victims  of  their  own  habits.  Suspicion  and  surliness 
may  well  be  expected  from  such  a  family,  for  they  have 
often  much  to  fear. 

Yet  it  may  be  that  even  such  a  woman  as  Mrs. 
Catesby,  in  her  three  barren  rooms  at  the  top  of  a  rear 
tenement  shack  on  one  of  the  far  river  blocks,  will  re- 
ceive you  without  questioning  your  right  to  enter  and 
to  share  her  confidence.  Perhaps  it  is  a  latent  desire 
for  human  intercourse,  perhaps  merely  the  spirit  of  sim- 
ple courtesy,  so  universal  among  the  women  of  the 
tenements.  She  is  a  slatternly  little  figure,  dressed  in 
a  shabby  black  waist  that  scarcely  covers  her,  with  a 
tangle  of  frizzled  red  hair  slipping  over  her  face  and 
held  in  tether  by  an  odd  hairpin  or  two.  Her  cheeks 
are  pink,  though  the  skin  is  loose  and  flabby,  and  her 
eyes  are  watery  but  clear  and  blue.  An  empty  whiskey 
bottle  on  the  table  is  a  needless  index  to  the  chief  in- 
terest of  her  sordid  life.  But  although  she  may  not 
share  your  opinions,  which  in  her  life  have  proved  mere 
extra  weight  and  have  gone  overboard  as  valueless,  she 
is  nevertheless  very  well  aware  of  them.  It  is  harsh  to 
term  her  effort  to  play  up  to  your  standards  deception; 
perhaps  it  is  a  genuine  remnant  of  more  decent  aspira- 
tions. "  If  company  comes  it's  then  I'm  bound  not  to 
be  clean.  Now,  don't  you  look  at  the  dirt  in  this 
house."  The  dirt  is  of  long  standing,  but  conventions 
are  appeased. 

The  picture  of  her  life,  her  husband,  and  her  chil- 
dren, which  the  woman  paints  for  you,  is  colored  for 
your  benefit,  and  is  not  to  be  taken  at  its  face  value. 
There  are  plenty  of  evasions  and  falsehoods.  Yet  the 
poor  shams  which  she  raises  to  shield  herself  from  your 
criticism  are  pitifully  weak  defenses  through  which  may 


HIS    HOME 

easily  be  caught  many  an  illuminating  glimpse  of  the 
dingy  realities  behind.  Nor  is  her  confidence  difficult 
to  gain,  once  your  claim  to  friendliness  is  established. 
"  Yes,  once  I  was  down  to  that  children's  court.  I  was 
that  frightened  they'd  take  the  children  off.  They  was 
only  ten  an'  eight  when  they  come  in  one  day,  Jenny 
an'  Paul,  with  a  man  I'd  never  seed  before.  'Good 
day/  says  he,  'you're  Mrs.  Catesby?'  'I  am,'  says  I, 
'but  I've  never  had  the  pleasure.'  'No,'  says  he, '  I'm 
from  the  Gerries,  and  I've  come  for  the  children. 
They'll  have  to  come  along  with  me.'  I  was  that  up- 
set I  a'most  fainted  an'  I  was  all  shaky  like.  Well,  I 
went  out  to  call  papa, — he  had  work  that  day, — an' 
when  we  come  back,  he'd  took  them  clear  off  just  like 
they  was.  He'd  even  left  their  little  caps,  an'  there 
they  was,  layin'  on  the  table.  There'd  been  a  com- 
plaint, I  found  out,  yes,  a  complaint  about  how  papa 
was  drinkin'  too  much,  but  we  got  'em  back  all  right. 
Wouldn't  it  been  awful  if  they'd  been  took!" 

Sometimes  the  family  is  broken  up,  the  children  are 
carried  away,  and  the  parents  left  to  drink  out  the  rest 
of  their  lives  as  they  will.  To  remove  the  children  may 
seem  high-handed  and  brutal,  but  the  reverse  picture — 
the  family  left  to  vent  its  weakness  and  its  vice  on  the 
plastic  children  in  its  care — is  surely  a  worse  alterna- 
tive. Some  of  these  women  are  known  as  "  harborers." 
They  send  the  youngsters  out  to  beg,  and  wink  at  their 
pilfering  if  they  do  no  worse.  School  in  their  eyes,  as 
in  the  boys',  is  an  unnecessary  regulation  and  enforced 
by  an  arbitrary  society.  Evasion  of  law  is  part  of  their 
code,  quite  as  much  as  is  the  "working"  of  any  organi- 
zation or  church,  which  is  legitimate  prey  if  there  is 
something  to  be  gained.     Beyond  the  calls  upon  their 

73 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

children  to  gather  coal  and  wood  and  to  mind  babies 
there  are  few  restrictions.  "Lord,  I  can't  be  aifter 
botherin'  me  heads  over  thim,  lady,  they  do  be  off 
somewheres  an'  ye  can  thrust  thim  younguns  to  take 
care  o'  thimselves."  And  take  care  of  themselves  they 
do,  and  quite  effectually,  until  they  have  the  bad  luck 
to  run  foul  of  the  police.  Even  then  it  is  probably  no 
very  serious  matter  till  Tommy  gets  to  be  an  old 
offender.  His  mother  at  least  is  not  worried  about  the 
condition  of  his  morals,  and  can  be  counted  on  to  give 
the  most  glowing  character  to  "  the  Gerry  man."  What 
need  to  fear  the  streets  for  him?  Surely  they  can  fur- 
nish him  few  sights  more  sordid  and  more  impressive 
to  his  childish  imagination  and  prematurely  sharpened 
mind  than  those  with  which  he  has  grown  intimate 
within  the  walls  of  his  "home." 

Truly  they  have  a  hard  life,  these  West  Side  tene- 
ment mothers,  and  though  many  fail  and  many  despair, 
from  first  to  last  the  majority  make  a  brave  fight  of  it. 
When  one  is  born  to  the  lowest  rung  of  the  ladder  and 
lives  among  people  who  seldom  aspire  beyond,  existence 
becomes  a  difficult  matter.  How  can  the  boy's  home 
be  attractive  when  there  is  scarcely  room  to  turn  round 
in  it,  the  family  is  large,  and  when  year  in  and  year  out 
his  mother  is  merely  a  drudge?  How  can  his  mother, 
under  such  conditions,  hope  to  make  the  home  rival  the 
ever-changing  lure  of  the  streets?  What  time  and 
mental  energy  can  she  give  to  her  children  separately, 
when  she  is  struggling  from  morning  till  night  to  clothe 
and  feed  them?  Is  the  child,  produced  as  he  is,  so 
much  her  fault?  Is  he  not  much  more  a  product  of  a 
situation  for  which  her  responsibility  is  small? 

Home  conditions,  the  tension  of  constant  quarreling, 

74 


Replenishing  the  Wood  Box 


A  Rich  Find 


HIS    HOME 

broken  sleep,  fear,  hatred,  and  excitement,  combine  to 
break  down  the  nervous  constitution  of  the  child  before 
it  gets  a  fair  start.  Little  is  known  or  cared  about 
infant  nutrition;  there  is  no  time  to  bother  over  such 
things.  In  many  families  not  even  once  a  day  is  there 
a  regular  meal  or  meal  time.  Father  and  children  eat 
the  same  food,  and  the  boy  is  accustomed  to  the  stimu- 
lus of  tea  and  coffee  from  childhood.  Sugar  comes  from 
the  grocery  fairly  clogged  with  flour.  The  coffee  con- 
tains barley  and  other  cheap  ingredients.  Cheap  jellies 
and  condiments  poison  him  with  their  acids  and  color- 
ing materials.  The  owners  of  delicatessen  stores  say  in 
defense  that  it  is  not  worth  while  to  keep  the  higher 
grade  brands  for  the  neighborhood  will  not  pay  the  few 
necessary  cents  extra  to  secure  them.  A  storekeeper 
recently  advertised  a  keg  of  cider  for  sale  at  one  cent 
a  glass.  When  asked  for  his  reason,  he  said  that  the 
cider  was  so  spoiled  that  nobody  but  the  children  would 
buy  it.  While  he  was  making  this  explanation  two 
small  boys  came  in;  one  gave  his  penny  to  the  store- 
keeper and  received  a  glass  of  cider  which  he  shared 
with  his  mate.  Often  the  home  food  is  not  sufficient, 
and  it  is  not  at  all  uncommon  for  a  boy  to  pick  up  at 
least  one  meal  a  day  in  the  streets,  leaving  the  house  at 
noon  and  not  returning  till  late  at  night.  Crushed  fruit 
and  stale  cakes  and  rolls  are  sold  to  children  at  half 
price,  and  the  stalls  provide  candy  which,  like  the  staple 
foods  of  this  neighborhood,  is  usually  adulterated.  But 
the  boys  care  for  quantity  rather  than  quality.  The 
mixture  of  glue,  glucose,  aniline  dyes,  and  coarse  flour 
which  they  eat  would  upset  the  digestion  of  children 
far  better  nourished  than  they,  and  most  adults  find  it 
impossible  to  drink  the  soda  water  flavored  with  cheap 

75 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

compounds  which  is  sold  on  the  streets.  It  is  scarcely 
to  be  wondered  at  that  boyhood  on  the  Middle  West 
Side  is  physically  and  morally  subnormal;  and  it  can 
scarcely  be  contended  that  West  Side  motherhood  is 
greatly  to  blame  for  it. 

If  there  is  cause  for  wonder  at  the  results  of  the  home 
life  of  these  tenements,  it  is  wonder  that  parents  do  not 
give  up  more  often.  For  here  indeed  it  does  seem  that 
"the  struggle  naught  availeth."  Perhaps  they  do  not 
know  how  to  give  up.  Their  ethical  sense,  even  their 
sense  of  life  itself,  is  dulled  or  deadened  by  the  hope- 
lessness and  squalor  around  them.  The  father's  struggle 
to  meet  the  rent,  provide  food  and  occasional  clothes 
for  the  family,  and  still  leave  enough  for  the  hour  or 
two  at  the  saloon,  which  is  often  his  only  recreation; 
the  mother's  pitiful,  incessant  effort  to  keep  her  dingy 
tenement  habitable  and  her  family  together;  to  make 
one  penny  buy  the  groceries  of  two;  and  withal  to  keep 
up  to  some  slight  extent  a  decent  appearance, — these 
things  have  left  scant  time  or  energy  for  attention  to 
the  moral  needs  of  the  children.  So  long  accustomed 
to  the  dangers  of  the  streets,  to  the  open  flaunting  of 
vice,  drunkenness,  and  gambling  on  all  sides,  they  do 
not  take  into  account  the  impressions  which  these  con- 
ditions are  making  upon  young  minds,  now  and  with 
ever-growing  inquisitiveness  seeking  information  and 
experimenting  on  all  manner  of  things  which  come 
within  their  ken.  Their  very  poverty  itself  aids  in 
dimming  the  moral  sense.  Mothers  frankly  say  they 
have  no  room  for  their  children  in  the  house,  and  it  is 
nearly  always  true.  They  are  between  the  devil  and 
the  deep  sea.  Physical  and  moral  conditions  in  the 
home  are  bad  for  the  boy;   the  street  gives  him  more 

76 


HIS    HOME 

light  and  air  but  is  more  dangerously  immoral.  In  the 
face  of  so  many  apparently  insoluble  difficulties  is  it 
surprising  that  the  parents'  attitude  is  bewildered  and 
discouraged? 

From  the  midst  of  this  squalid  and  disjointed  home 
life  one  fact  emerges — that  the  recreation  of  the  West 
Side  boy  lies  beyond  the  power  of  the  family.  To 
look  to  such  homes  as  those  of  this  district  to  counter- 
act the  tremendous  forces  that  play  upon  him  outside 
is  as  unreasonable  as  it  is  useless.  Wretched  as  it  is, 
the  tenement  home  has  an  influence,  usually  vaguely 
restrictive,  and  in  a  few  cases  wise  enough  and  strong 
enough  to  help  a  boy  who  is  "steadying  down"  and 
"getting  sensible";  but  this  influence  can  rarely  bear 
the  strain  of  competition  with  the  pull  of  the  street  and 
the  gang.  And  so  it  happens  that  one  type  of  mother 
— most  pitiful  because  so  near  to  efficient  motherhood 
and  yet  so  far  from  it — is  perhaps  the  saddest  of  them 
all;  the  type  that  is  fully  alive  to  her  son's  dangers,  but 
realizes  that  it  is  impossible  for  her  to  cope  with  them. 

Let  us  repeat,  it  is  the  inadequacy  of  the  tenement 
home  that  is  the  greatest  curse  of  these  blocks.  Its  lack 
of  space  for  storage  helps  to  force  uneconomical  market- 
ing; its  lack  of  size  and  equipment  drives  the  boy  to 
the  street.  The  mother  is  compelled  to  become  her 
own  boy's  worst  enemy.  She  would  gladly  keep  him 
off  the  streets,  but  the  very  conditions  of  her  drudgery 
force  him  to  them,  and  cut  her  off  from  the  sympathy 
which  she  knows  she  cannot  show  him.  Of  course,  the 
picture  is  not  totally  unrelieved.  East  of  the  tene- 
ments are  the  brownstone  houses,  and  both  here  and 
in  other  parts  of  the  district  there  are  families  which 
form  exceptions  of  kindliness  and  comparative  success 

77 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

in  dealing  with  the  problem  of  living.  But  by  far  the 
most  of  our  boys  would  recognize  their  own  homes  and 
mothers  in  these  pages.  Dirt,  frowsiness,  dissoluteness, 
darkness,  and  rags — these  are  too  often  known  to  him 
from  infancy.  In  the  far  West  Side,  home  seems  to  be 
the  one  place  which  the  children  desire  to  keep  away 
from. 


78 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  BOY  AND  THE  COURT 

[This  investigation  was  made  in  1909-10.  Since  that  time 
great  progress  has  been  made  in  the  children's  court  of  Man- 
hattan. The  failure  of  the  kind  of  treatment  described  in 
Sections  1 1  and  1 1 1  of  this  chapter  has  been  recognized  by  the 
court  and  a  great  step  forward  has  been  taken  in  the  reorgani- 
zation of  its  probation  work.  A  number  of  improvements 
give  evidence  of  a  genuine  and  growing  desire  to  make  the 
work  of  the  court  more  thorough  and  humane.  These  and 
other  modifications  will  be  noted  in  detail  by  footnotes  in  the 
following  pages. 

The  description  of  court  procedure  here  given  is  therefore 
to  be  read  with  the  fact  always  in  mind  that  the  conditions 
described  are  those  of  several  years  ago.  The  account  has 
been  included  because  the  material  relating  to  the  court, 
while  partly  out  of  date,  is  inextricably  interwoven  with  the 
material  describing  neighborhood  conditions  which  are  prac- 
tically unchanged.  The  improvements  in  the  children's  court 
have  not  yet  had  time  to  seriously  affect  the  district. 

A  further  reason  for  including  some  statements  regarding 
partly  outgrown  court  conditions  here  is  that  they  are  not 
wholly  outgrown  in  other  cities.  There  are  still  children's 
courts  in  other  places  which  have  no  special  children's  judge, 
where  parole  is  used  instead  of  probation,  and  where  the 
records  are  entirely  inadequate.] 

THE  foregoing  chapters  have  reviewed  the  situ- 
ation back  of  the  boy's  delinquency  and  have 
shown  that  his  difficulties  are  deeply  rooted  in 
the  whole  neighborhood  life  of  the  Middle  West  Side. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  courts  are  a  necessary  in- 
strument in  the  handling  of  such  lawlessness  as  we  have 
found  to  be  characteristic  of  our  tenement  neighborhood. 
But  it  must  also  be  admitted  that  the  unsupplemented 
efforts  of  a  court  of  law,  however  humane  its  methods, 

79 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

cannot  be  the  ultimate  answer  to  our  question  of  what 
to  do  with  the  West  Side  boy. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  neighborhood  the 
children's  court  takes  its  place  among  the  various  forces 
which  influence  him  as  wholly  foreign.  In  the  first 
place,  the  point  of  view  of  the  tribunal  is  strange  to  his 
little  savage  mind.  The  judge  is  a  sort  of  Setebos 
whom  the  little  Caliban,  sprawling  in  his  West  Side 
mire,  both  fears  and  scorns.  In  the  second  place,  the 
court  building  itself  is  far  from  the  district  and  beyond 
the  range  of  his  familiar  haunts.  After  the  boy  is 
arrested,  he  is  taken  to  the  children's  court  by  way  of 
the  detention  rooms  of  the  Society  for  the  Prevention  of 
Cruelty  to  Children.  In  his  own  estimation  he  has 
made  a  notable  journey  by  the  time  he  reaches  the  court. 
His  parents,  too,  view  the  trip  to  court  as  a  considerable 
journey,  which  involves  putting  on  their  best  clothes  and 
the  spending  of  carfare.  It  may  also  mean  the  loss  of  a 
day's  work  and  the  possible  loss  of  a  job. 

In  order  to  make  clear  the  experience  of  the  boy  in  the 
court,  at  this  point  we  must  give  a  brief  description  of 
the  growth,  equipment,  and  processes  of  the  Manhattan 
Children's  Court  and  its  allied  agencies.  Later  we  shall 
examine  some  of  the  tangible  results  of  this  treatment  in 
individual  cases  from  the  West  Side  neighborhood. 

As  a  first  essential  to  an  understanding  of  the  causes  of 
arrest  and  the  methods  of  the  court,  we  must  know  the 
legal  definition  of  juvenile  delinquency.  Chapter  478 
of  the  Laws  of  1909  provided  that  "a  child  of  more  than 
seven  and  less  than  sixteen  years  of  age,  who  shall  com- 
mit any  act  or  omission  which,  if  committed  by  an 
adult,  would  be  a  crime  not  punishable  by  death  or  life 
imprisonment,  shall  not  be  deemed  guilty  of  any  crime, 

80 


THE    BOY   AND   THE   COURT 

but  of  juvenile  delinquency  only."*  The  offenses, 
however,  are  still  registered  in  the  court  according  to 
the  law  violated.  The  clauses  under  which  charges  are 
most  frequently  made  are  given  below.  The  number  of 
the  paragraph  in  the  Penal  Law  containing  the  full 
text  of  the  law  is  given  in  each  case. 

Sec.  486  Penal  Law 

a.  Improper  guardianship  (peculiar  in  that  the  child  was 

arraigned  for  the  offense  of  his  guardians). 

b.  Disorderly  or  ungovernable  child  (on  complaint  of 

parents  or  guardian). 

Sec.  720  Penal  Law 

"Any  person  who  shall  by  an  offensive  or  disorderly  act 
or  language,  annoy  or  interfere  with  any  person  in 
any  place  or  with  the  passengers  of  any  public 
stage,  railroad  car,  ferry  boat,  or  other  public  con- 
veyance, .  .  .  shall  be  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor." 

Sec.  43  Penal  Law 

A  person  who  commits  "any  act  which  seriously  injures 
the  person  or  property  of  another,  or  which  seriously 
disturbs  or  endangers  the  public  peace  or  health,  or 
which  openly  outrages  public  decency,  for  which  no 
other  punishment  is  expressly  prescribed  by  this 
chapter,  is  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor." 

Sec.  13 10  Penal  Law 

a.  Petty  Larceny. 

b.  Grand  Larceny. 
Sec.  405  Penal  Law 

Burglary  and  Unlawful  Entry. 
Sec.  242  Penal  Law 

Assault. 
Sec.  1610  Penal  Law 

Peddling  without  License. 
Sec.  1990  Penal  Law 

"Riding  on  freight  trains;  boarding  cars  in  motion;  ob- 
structing passage  of  car." 
Sec.  2120 

Robbery. 

Besides  the  violations  of  the  penal  law,  violations  of 

*  For  the  full  text  of  the  law  referred  to,  see  Consolidated  Laws  of 
New  York;  the  Penal  Law;  Laws  of  1909,  section  2186,  chapter  88. 

8l 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

the  compulsory  education  law  and  of  the  child  labor  law 
are  frequently  the  ground  of  complaint. 

The  list  of  offenses  with  which  our  special  group  of 
294  boys  was  charged  agrees  in  the  main  with  those 
given  above.  The  list  of  court  charges*  according  to  the 
number  of  arrests  for  each  is  given  herewith  for  the 
whole  group  of  463  arrests. 

OFFENSES   IN  463  CASES  OF   ARREST  CLASSIFIED 
ACCORDING   TO  COURT  CHARGES 

Violation  of  compulsory  education  law 29 

Improper  guardianship 60 

(According  to  Penal  Law,  Sec.  486.) 

Ungovernable  child 12 

Disorderly  child 4 

Violation  of  child  labor  law 10 

In  danger  of  being  morally  depraved 1 

Disorderly  conduct 186 

(According  to  Penal  Law,  Sec.  720.) 

Injury  or  destruction  to  property 15 

Injuring  railroad  and  appurtenances I 

Petty  larceny 43 

(According  to  Penal  Law,  Sec.  1298.) 

Grand  larceny 12 

(According  to  Penal  Law,  Sec.  1296.) 

Robbery 5 

(According  to  Penal  Law,  Sec.  2124) 

Burglary 38 

(According  to  Penal   Law,  Sec.  404.) 

Riding  on  freight  train 3 

(According  to  Penal  Law,  Sec.  1990.) 

Assault 15 

(According  to  Penal  Law,  Sec.  242-246.) 

Unknown 31 

465 

Deducting  duplicates! 2 

Total 463 

*  Compare  with  classification  of  arrests  according  to  analysis  of 
offenses  made  in  the  Bureau  of  Social  Research,  as  given  in  Chapter 
II,  pp.  16-17. 

t  There  were  two  cases  in  which  an  arrest  was  made  on  more  than 
one  charge. 

82 


A  Ball  Game  Near  the   Docks 


.,.,./  _        ,.„ 


* 


Pi 


"Obstructing  Trafeic"  on  Twelfth  Avenue 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

As  early  as  1892,  a  law  was  passed  permitting  the 
separate  trial  of  children  in  New  York  City,  but  it  was 
not  until  September,  1902,  that  a  separate  court  was 
established  in  Manhattan  in  a  building  of  its  own  at 
the  corner  of  Third  Avenue  and  Eleventh  Street.*  The 
children's  court,  including  all  those  sitting  in  the 
various  boroughs  of  Greater  New  York,  is  called  the 
Children's  Part  of  the  Court  of  Special  Sessions.  The 
court  sits  daily  until  the  calendar  is  cleared. f  The  cases 
before  the  court  had  to  be  rushed  through  with  great 
speed.  In  1909,  over  1 1,000  cases  were  handled  by  the 
Manhattan  court.  This  allowed  the  judge  an  average  of 
five  minutes  for  a  trial,  including  the  most  serious  and 
perplexing.! 

The  court  building,  which  was  once  the  headquarters 
of  the  Department  of  Corrections,  has  long  been  con- 
gested,  inconvenient,   dingy,   and  unsanitary. §      The 

*  Separate  courts  were  established  in  Brooklyn  in  September,  1903; 
in  the  boroughs  of  Queens  and  Richmond  in  September,  1910;  and  in 
the  county  of  the  Bronx  in  January,  1914. 

t  Until  recently  the  judges  of  Special  Sessions  sat  in  rotation  in 
the  children's  court.  The  disadvantages  of  this  system,  under  which 
it  was  seldom  possible  for  the  judge  who  had  first  passed  upon  a  case 
to  follow  it  to  its  conclusion,  led  in  1912  to  some  modifications  in  the 
direction  of  more  permanent  assignments  of  children's  court  judges. 
Further  improvements  were  made  in  1913.  Four  judges  of  the  Court 
of  Special  Sessions  were  designated  as  children's  court  judges,  and  they 
constitute  a  committee  on  children's  courts.  For  the  greater  part  of 
the  year  one  judge  sits  in  the  children's  court  in  Manhattan,  another 
in  the  court  of  Brooklyn,  and  since  January,  1914,  a  third  sits  on 
different  days  of  the  week  in  the  courts  in  Queens,  Richmond,  and  the 
Bronx.  The  fourth  is  chairman  of  the  committee  and  sits  about 
three  months  in  the  year  in  each  court.  This  new  arrangement 
minimizes  rotation  in  office  and  permits  specialization. 

J  This  has  been  completely  changed  since  a  special  judge  was 
assigned  to  the  court.  When  he  is  sitting,  frequently  one  and  a  half 
hours  will  be  given  to  one  case  alone  and  there  is  rarely  a  day  when 
there  are  not  two  sessions,  morning  and  afternoon.  Sometimes  the 
Manhattan  court  does  not  adjourn  until  7  p.  m. 

§  A  modern  court  building  is  now  in  process  of  erection  in  East 
Twenty-second  Street,  between  Lexington  and  Third  Avenues. 

83 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

room  where  the  hearing  is  given  is  always  crowded 
and  noisy. 

An  account  of  the  court's  equipment  is  incomplete 
without  a  word  in  regard  to  the  detention  quarters  set 
aside  in  its  own  building  by  the  Society  for  the  Preven- 
tion of  Cruelty  to  Children.  The  detention  home,  with 
dormitories  and  dining  rooms,  is  given  rent  free.  The 
total  expense  of  caring  for  the  children  temporarily  in 
the  care  of  the  society  in  1909  amounted  to  something 
over  $20,000.*  The  total  amount  spent  by  the  city  for 
court  service  in  handling  over  1 1,000  cases  in  1909  was 
$56,012.15.  This  averages  $5.00  less  per  capita  than 
any  other  large  city  in  the  country. 

The  development  of  a  probation  system  for  juvenile 
delinquents  was  of  very  slow  growth  in  New  York  City. 
The  first  probation  law  in  New  York  state  was  passed 
in  1 90 1,  but  children  under  sixteen  were  excluded 
through  the  efforts  of  the  Society  for  the  Prevention  of 
Cruelty  to  Children. f  In  1903,  a  compromise  was  made 
which  permitted  the  appointment  of  an  official  proba- 
tion staff.  Until  the  series  of  adjustments  and  improve- 
ments recommended  by  the  reports  of  the  Page  Commis- 
sion! in  April,  1910,  was  begun,  the  agents  of  the  Society 

*  The  New  York  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children 
(Incorporated).     Thirty-fifth  Annual  Report,  Dec.  31,  1909,  p.  17. 

t  "  As  prepared  by  the  New  York  Prison  Association,  the  bill  was 
applicable  to  both  children  and  adults,  but  owing  to  the  active  op- 
position of  the  New  York  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to 
Children,  it  was  amended  in  the  legislature  so  as  to  apply  only  to 
persons  over  sixteen  years  of  age.  It  was  claimed  by  the  Society  for 
the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  that  existing  laws  made  ade- 
quate provision  for  the  treatment  of  delinquent  children."  Report 
of  the  Probation  Commission  of  the  State  of  New  York,  1906,  pp.  8 
and  9. 

%  Commission  to  Inquire  into  the  Courts  of  Inferior  Criminal 
Jurisdiction  in  Cities  of  the  First  Class.  Final  Reports.  New  York 
Assembly  Documents,  133rd  Session,  1910,  Vol.  26,  No.  54. 

84 


THE    BOY   AND   THE   COURT 

for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  and  the 
volunteer  probation  societies  did  the  only  work  ap- 
proaching probation  in  nature.*  The  court  process, 
however,  was  not  probation,  but  parole,  though  until 
recently  the  words  were  used  as  synonymous  in  the 
court.  "At  the  end  of  the  period  of  parole,  sentence  is 
suspended  if  the  child  has  done  well,"  wrote  Mr.  Homer 
Folks.  "The  term  'parole'  as  used  in  this  court  sig- 
nifies practically  an  adjournment  of  the  case.  The  over- 
sight of  the  children  on  parole  is  not  clearly  separated 
from  the  work  of  the  agents  of  the  Society  for  the  Pre- 
vention of  Cruelty  to  Children."  t 

Very  early  in  the  history  of  the  court  private  efforts 
were  made  to  help  the  many  children  who,  it  was  felt, 
were  not  receiving  adequate  attention.  The  impulse 
to  reform  and  save  the  child,  being  largely  moral, 
naturally  originated  in  the  churches.  The  result  was  a 
division  of  volunteer  probation  along  church  lines 
which  left  its  impress  on  the  later  developments  of 
probation  work. 

In  Manhattan  the  first  to  enter  the  field  were  the 
Catholics.  The  Catholic  Probation  League,  incor- 
porated February  3,  1907,  under  the  auspices  of  the  St. 
Vincent  de  Paul  Society,  was  the  appropriate  sponsor 
for  the  movement.  The  pioneer  work  had  already  been 
done,  however,  by  a  small  group  of  women  known  as  the 
Catholic  Ladies'  Committee.  After  the  formation  of  the 
Probation  League,  its  parole  committee  co-operated 
with  the  ladies'  committee  by  taking  over  the  cases 
of  the  older  boys.    The  committee  took  all  the  girls5 

*  Changes  made  in  1913  have  been  discussed  on  p.  87. 
t  Folks,  Homer:  Juvenile  Probation  in  New  York.      The  Survey, 
xxiii:  pp.  671-672.  (Feb.  5,  1910). 

85 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

cases  and  gave  them  especial  attention.  The  members 
themselves  did  the  visiting,  and  at  one  time  maintained 
a  paid  worker.  Some  of  them  favored  the  establish- 
ment of  an  official  probation  staff.  They  thought  that 
the  willingness  of  volunteer  agencies  to  shoulder  the 
entire  burden  was  delaying  this  important  move. 

The  Jewish  Protectory  and  Aid  Society  had  for  several 
years  engaged  in  parole  and  probation  work  to  a  certain 
extent.  The  society  maintained  a  paid  worker  who 
represented  its  legal  authority  as  guardian  of  all  Jewish 
juvenile  delinquents  in  the  city  and  who  was  made  a 
special  officer  by  the  police  commissioner.  Until  the 
recent  establishment  of  the  Jewish  Big  Brother  move- 
ment he  bore  the  brunt  of  all  the  visiting  of  Jewish 
cases,  and  handled  as  best  he  could  all  the  cases  passing 
through  the  court  or  paroled  from  the  Hawthorne 
School. 

Before  the  founding  of  the  Big  Brother  movement, 
there  was  no  organized  effort  in  behalf  of  the  children 
of  Protestant  parents  who  passed  through  the  court 
and  were  not  committed  to  an  institution.  Ernest  K. 
Coulter,  clerk  of  the  court,  seeing  the  need  of  work 
similar  to  that  of  the  other  two  great  religious  groups, 
induced  a  club  of  men  in  the  Central  Presbyterian 
Church  to  promise  that  each  one  would  act  as  "Big 
Brother"  to  one  court  boy.  The  preliminary  work  was 
carried  on  by  the  club  for  a  couple  of  years,  and  the 
movement  aroused  considerable  interest.  Other  church 
clubs  also  took  up  the  work.  In  March,  1907,  the 
movement  was  reorganized,  so  as  to  be  independent  of 
the  churches.  For  a  time  the  branches  of  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association  acted  as  "centers"  while 
neighboring  church  clubs  acted   as   "locals."     Later 

86 


THE    BOY   AND  THE   COURT 

the  alliance  with  the  Association  was  severed,  the  work 
becoming  independent  of  sponsorship. 

The  Jewish  Big  Brother  movement,  modeled  in 
many  respects  upon  the  Big  Brother  movement  of  the 
Protestants,  was  formally  organized  in  February,  1909. 
At  first,  this  society  took  only  the  boys  on  parole  from 
the  Hawthorne  School,  but  later  the  work  was  extended 
to  include  parole  cases  from  the  House  of  Refuge. 

All  these  religious  agencies,*  in  contrast  to  the 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children,  have 
not  been  in  any  way  connected  officially  with  the  court.t 

I.    GETTING   INTO  COURT 

Let  us  follow  a  boy,  accused  of  violation  of  the  law, 
through  all  the  possible  vicissitudes  of  a  court  experience 
in  Manhattan  previous  to  September,  1910.  The  task 
may  prove  tedious  but  not  nearly  so  meaningless  or 
bewildering  for  the  reader  as  for  the  thousands  of 
families  who  had  to  go  through  it  every  year. 

*  The  public  is  indebted  to  these  volunteers  for  providing  some 
probationary  care  for  charges  of  the  court  before  official  probation 
was  established.  As  soon  as  this  was  done,  they  were  relieved  of 
the  undue  pressure  under  which  they  had  worked  without  proper 
equipment  and  aid.  With  the  direction  and  supervision  of  the 
trained  official  representatives  of  the  court,  volunteer  co-operation 
may  now  be  developed  and  made  highly  useful. 

t  In  March,  1912,  as  the  result  of  an  active  campaign,  12  probation 
officers  who  had  passed  the  civil  service  examination  were  assigned  to 
the  Manhattan  children's  court  and  made  officers  of  the  court,  drawing 
their  salary  from  the  city.  In  1913,  the  number  of  probation  officers 
was  raised  to  20.  The  effectiveness  with  which  the  new  probation 
work  operates  is,  of  course,  a  subject  on  which  we  have  no  data.  The 
court  still  faces  the  difficulty  of  having  too  small  a  staff  for  the  number 
of  cases.  The  Manhattan  court  has  over  10,000  cases  under  treat- 
ment in  the  course  of  a  year.  In  Chicago,  the  average  number  of 
cases  is  only  about  5,000  and  there  are  30  regular  probation  officers 
and  30  police  probation  officers,  making  a  total  of  60  persons  to  handle 
this  smaller  number  of  cases. 

87 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

Once  arrested,  he  was  led  to  the  nearest  police  station, 
followed  by  a  throng  of  curious  onlookers.  At  the  sta- 
tion house  children  were  occasionally  discharged,  but 
ordinarily  their  names  were  entered  on  the  police  docket 
and  the  parents  were  informed.  If  no  one  was  found  at 
home,  a  message  was  left  with  a  near  neighbor.  Some 
one  must  vouch  for  the  boy's  appearance  in  court  the 
next  day  before  he  could  be  liberated.  If  the  boy  was 
arrested  in  the  evening,  he  might  be  taken  directly  to 
the  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children 
for  detention  and  the  parent  notified  to  appear  there  for 
the  child  before  midnight  or  at  court  the  following  morn- 
ing. 

The  law  provides  that  in  cases  of  delinquency  which 
do  not  involve  a  felony  the  police  sergeant  may  accept 
the  word  of  the  parent  or  guardian  as  sufficient  surety 
for  presence  at  trial,  without  bail.  However,  the  deci- 
sion is  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  officer,  and  bail 
was  sometimes  required  for  trivial  offenses.*  There  is 
opportunity  here  for  the  local  political  "boss"  to  foster 
the  belief  that  he  is  able  to  help  a  friendless  family, 
and  later  to  send  his  henchman  to  enlist  the  vote  at  the 
next  election.  There  was  no  evidence  that  the  local 
"boss"  had  any  influence  in  the  children's  court;  it  is 
significant,  however,  that  the  people  thought  he  had. 

In  one  case  the  great  political  "boss"  of  the  district 
personally  accompanied  the  mother  to  the  court.  This 
was  when  Mrs.  Hannon,  apparently  believing  that  it 
was  the  thing  to  do,  had  "got  up  her  'noive'"  and 

*  Jack  Spinner's  mother  was  required  to  secure  $1,000  bail— and 
fortunately  she  was  able  to  secure  it  from  the  members  of  her  church — 
for  a  "$500  burglary,"  the  articles  in  question  being  two  small  bundles 
of  kindling  wood  which,  as  it  was  afterward  proved,  the  boy  had  not 
taken. 

88 


THE    BOY    AND    THE    COURT 

appealed  to  him  at  once,  without  waiting  for  her  hus- 
band to  tell  her.  Furthermore,  Mrs.  Hannon  triumph- 
antly pointed  out,  the  boy  who  had  been  brought  in 
simultaneously  with  her  son,  was  fined  #3.00  "because 
his  father  was  not  'in'  with  the  Senator"  at  that  time. 
In  two  other  cases  it  was  the  aged  mother  of  the  "  boss" 
who  seemed  to  have  the  deciding  voice  as  to  his  actions! 
There  were  other  parents,  one  a  saloon  keeper,  who 
boasted  that  they  could  have  secured  aid  if  they  had 
happened  to  need  it.  One  old  woman  resident  said  she 
had  "enough  friends  to  get  the  boy  off  the  gallus  if 
nade  be!"  These  stories  illustrate  the  Celtic  feudal 
relation  which  existed  between  the  political  sponsor  of 
the  district  and  its  inhabitants.* 

Bail  was  seldom  demanded  at  the  headquarters  of  the 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children. 
When  the  boy  was  once  inside  this  building,  the  general 
public  could  learn  little  of  what  went  on  except  through 
the  annual  reports  of  the  society,  a  formal  visit,  or 
reports  from  the  families  themselves.  To  many  families 
the  functions  of  the  court  and  "the  Gerry,"  as  the 
society  is  called  after  its  founder,  were  indistinguishable 

*  "Everybody  in  the  district  knows  him.  Everybody  knows  where  to 
find  him,  and  nearly  everybody  goes  to  him  for  assistance  of  one  sort 
or  another,  especially  the  poor  of  the  tenements.  He  is  always  oblig- 
ing. He  will  go  to  the  police  courts  to  put  in  a  good  word  for  the 
'drunks  and  disorderlies,'  or  pay  their  fines  if  a  good  word  is  not  effec- 
tive. He  will  attend  christenings,  weddings,  and  funerals.  He  will 
feed  the  hungry  and  help  bury  the  dead. 

"  A  philanthropist?  Not  at  all.  He  is  playing  politics  all  the  time. 
Brought  up  in  Tammany  Hall,  he  has  learned  how  to  read  the  hearts  of 
the  great  mass  of  voters.  He  does  not  bother  about  reaching  their 
heads.  It  is  his  belief  that  arguments  and  campaign  literature  have 
never  gained  votes.  He  seeks  direct  contact  with  the  people,  does 
them  good  turns  when  he  can,  and  relies  on  their  not  forgetting  him  on 
election  day."  Riordan.W.  L.:  Plunkett  of  Tammany  Hall.  A  Series 
of  Very  Plain  Talks  on  Very  Practical  Politics,  pp.  168-169.  New 
York,  McClure,  1905. 

89 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

amidst  the  irritating  confusion  of  their  court  experience. 
If  any  distinction  was  made,  there  was  a  dread  of  "  the 
Gerry  man"  (sometimes  used  as  a  "bogey")  which  was 
not  felt  regarding  the  court. 

By  10  o'clock  of  the  first  court  day  following  the 
arrest,  the  boy  was  deposited  by  the  society's  agents  in 
the  waiting  room  on  the  second  floor  of  the  court  build- 
ing, or  brought  by  his  parents  to  the  court  room.  After  a 
tedious  wait  his  name  was  shouted  through  the  corridor 
back  of  the  court,  and  relayed  to  the  waiting  room. 
He  was  then  taken  into  the  noisy  court  room,  where  he 
stood  one  step  below  the  witness  stand  while  the  officer 
or  complainants  were  sworn  in  and  corroborated  the 
data  on  the  judge's  or  their  own  memoranda.  The 
judge  had  only  a  brief  record  of  the  arrest  and  charge 
at  this  time,  with  an  occasional  verbal  report  from  an 
officer  of  the  society  or  a  volunteer.*  No  investigation 
of  the  case,  individual  or  social,  was  made  before  the 
trial.  Our  records  contain  cases  which,  had  they  been 
investigated,  would  have  shown  feeble-mindedness, 
adenoids,  bad  eyes,  frail  constitution,  self-abuse,  or 
terrible  home  conditions.  On  the  other  hand,  there 
were  cases  where  the  character  and  family  surroundings 
of  the  child  should  have  shown  a  severe  sentence  to  be 
unnecessary.  Sometimes  faulty  records  failed  to  show  a 
previous  arrest  and  the  boy's  word  was  taken  that  he 
had  never  been  in  court  before. 

Following  the  accusation  the  boy  was  allowed  to 

*  The  installation  of  official  probation  officers  and  the  adoption  of 
the  new  system  of  records  have  removed  this  obstacle  to  the  judge's 
obtaining  a  comprehensive  view  of  cases  and  reaching  wise  decisions. 
At  the  present  time  a  careful  preliminary  investigation  is  made  by 
the  probation  officer  and  presented  in  written  form  to  the  judge, 
prior  to  disposition  of  the  case. 

90 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

speak  for  himself,  pleading  guilty  or  not  guilty.  He 
stood  on  the  top  step,  the  center  of  a  small  group,  about 
three  feet  from  the  judge.  The  distracting  noise  of  the 
court  room  had  at  least  one  advantage;  it  prevented  the 
audience  from  hearing  what  was  said.  After  the  boy 
had  spoken,  the  mother  or  guardian  might  be  admitted 
inside  the  rail  to  speak  to  the  judge.  In  some  cases, 
this  privilege  was  refused.  This  constituted  the  distinct 
grievance  of  a  group  of  parents  who  were  not  all  of  low 
type  by  any  means.  On  the  other  hand,  in  two  of  our 
worst  cases  the  judge,  ignorant  of  conditions,  proved 
susceptible  to  a  shrewd  appeal  by  the  mother.  It  is 
hard  to  see,  however,  how  the  court  could  avoid  such 
mistakes  without  an  adequate  investigating  staff. 

Occasionally  the  parents  had  engaged  a  lawyer,  who 
was  semiofficially  recognized  by  the  court  and  who 
collected  what  fees  he  could  from  the  defendants.  Some- 
times the  engagement  was  due  to  the  initiative  of  the 
lawyer.  In  fully  80  per  cent  of  the  cases  there  was  no 
lawyer  formally  pleading,  and  even  when  one  was 
engaged  he  was  in  most  cases  unnecessary.  The  delay, 
and  the  cost  to  defendants,  would  have  been  much 
reduced  if  he  had  not  been  present.  Since,  however, 
every  case  registered  as  pleading  "not  guilty"  was 
supposed  to  have  had  the  opportunity  of  counsel,  a 
lawyer's  name  was  formally  entered  in  the  record  after 
every  such  case. 

Before  disposing  of  a  case  the  judge  might  remand  the 
boy  to  the  care  of  the  Society  for  the  Prevention  of 
Cruelty  to  Children  while  an  investigation  was  made,  if 
he  were  not  sure  of  the  proper  treatment  to  be  given. 
Only  flagrantly  bad  conditions  show  up,  however,  under 
superficial  investigation.    A  case  was  occasionally  "  re- 

91 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

manded  for  investigation"  in  order  to  give  the  boy  and 
the  family  a  lesson;  a  remand  of  this  sort  being  in  reality 
a  mild  punishment.  Since  the  reformatories  have  re- 
fused short  commitments,  this  has  frequently  been  the 
substitute. 

Unless  the  boy  was  an  old  case,  it  was  only  after  the 
court  had  acted  and  he  had  stepped  down  from  the 
stand  that  the  volunteer  probation  agencies  took  a  hand. 
By  this  time  the  boy  and  his  parents  were  pretty  well 
bewildered,  and  in  the  excitement  it  was  often  impos- 
sible to  make  clear  to  them  what  was  meant  by  the 
questions  asked  or  the  suggestions  offered  by  these 
volunteers.  The  entire  court  experience  meant  for  the 
more  sensitive  among  both  parents  and  children  a 
nervous  shock,  or,  at  least,  an  extremely  trying  ordeal 
which  was  frequently  out  of  all  proportion  to  the 
triviality  of  the  offense  in  question.  Where  the  type 
of  family  which  passed  through  the  ordeal  with  in- 
difference was  concerned,  it  was  correspondingly  in- 
effective. 

The  kinds  of  disposition  which  the  judge  might  make 
of  any  given  case  are  as  follows: 

(i)  Dismissal  for  insufficient  evidence.  Evidence 
applies,  as  in  criminal  courts,  only  to  the  specific  act; 
and  if  it  be  lacking,  the  court  is  powerless  to  act  as 
guardian  of  the  child  as  it  could  do  if  it  had  equity 
powers.  However,  in  especially  flagrant  cases  a  child 
dismissed  under  one  charge  may  be  returned  for  im- 
proper guardianship. 

(2)  Acquittal,  if  the  boy  pleads  not  guilty,  and  there 
is  some  evidence  that  he  was  not  involved  in  the 
escapade.     This  is  sometimes  technical  and  takes  no 

02 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

account  of  serious  delinquency  which  may  lie  back  of 
the  affair. 

(3)  Suspended  sentence,  after  conviction,  with  a 
warning  of  reprimand,  but  no  supervision  or  visiting. 

(4)  A  fine,  usually  one  or  two  dollars,  though  it  may 
be  as  low  as  50  cents  or  as  high  as  five  dollars.  This  is 
used  ordinarily  as  a  lesson  to  the  parents,  since  the 
burden  of  the  fine  falls  upon  them. 

(5)  "Committed  for  one  day  to  the  parental  care  of 
John  Ward."  This  is  for  the  purpose  of  having  an  officer 
give  the  boy  a  "licking"  upstairs  in  the  court,  when  a 
parent  refuses  to  do  so.  Occasionally  sentence  is  sus- 
pended, or  fine  remitted,  on  condition  that  the  parent 
do  this,  in  case  the  boy  or  his  parents  have  not  learned 
to  say,  when  the  judge  asks  the  question  that  he  has 
already  been  licked.  This  method  is  said  by  some  of  the 
judges  to  be  very  effective  in  preventing  recidivation. 
Its  reforming  effect  is  not  quite  so  certain. 

(6)  Parole  in  the  custody  of  the  parents,  to  be  visited 
by  the  agents  of  the  Society  for  the  Prevention  of 
Cruelty  to  Children.  A  boy's  parole  is  often  continued 
month  by  month.  At  its  expiration  the  boy  may  be 
discharged  from  parole,  committed  to  an  institution, 
or  given  a  suspended  sentence.  In  the  case  of  school 
children,  especially  truants,  the  principal  acts  as  a 
parole  officer  and  signs  the  parole  card  daily,  vouching 
for  the  boy's  attendance  and  conduct.  I  n  case  of  serious 
offense  during  this  period,  parole  may  be  revoked,  and 
disposition  made  on  both  offenses,  one  sentence  being 
held  in  reserve  for  its  deterrent  effect.  If  a  child  and  his 
parents  fail  to  appear  on  the  prescribed  date,  a  bench 
warrant  is  issued  and  the  child  is  arrested  and  brought 
in.     The  same  thing  is  sometimes  done  in  improper 

93 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

guardianship  cases,  if  the  agent's  investigation  has  re- 
vealed conditions  unimproved. 

(7)  Commitment  to  an  institution,  if  possible  to  one 
of  the  same  religious  faith  as  the  child.  Neglected 
children  are  sent  to  charitable  institutions;  delinquents, 
usually  older  boys,  after  several  offenses,  violation 
of  parole,  or  serious  incorrigibility,  to  one  of  the  re- 
formatories. The  House  of  Refuge  is  in  many  respects 
a  prison  for  minors.  Boys  are  committed  to  it  who  can- 
not be  cared  for  by  the  New  York  Juvenile  Asylum, 
Catholic  Protectory,  or  Hawthorne  School.  Truants,  if 
committed  from  this  court,  are  sent  to  one  of  the  truant 
schools. 

This  resume  of  dispositions  forms  a  basis  for  a  natural 
division  of  our  case  material.  We  have  studied  the 
effects  of  the  court  experience  upon  different  groups  of 
children  according  to  the  sentence  received.  To  a 
large  extent  the  home  visiting  was  apportioned  among 
our  investigators  along  the  same  lines.  The  disposi- 
tion indicates  the  judgment  of  the  court  as  to  the 
seriousness  of  the  offense,  and  it  is  the  effect  of  this 
judgment  which  is  to  be  tested. 

As  has  been  stated  in  the  introduction,  a  statistical 
study  of  the  delinquency  of  boys  was  made  in  241  West 
Side  families.  Four  hundred  and  sixty-three  arrests  of 
boys  occurred  among  these  families  during  the  period 
covered  by  our  investigation.  Data  are  available  con- 
cerning the  offenses  committed  and  the  action  taken  in 
court  for  454  of  these  463  cases.  As  some  boys  were 
arrested  more  than  once,  and  as  some  families  had  two 
or  more  boys  who  were  arrested,  the  454  arrests  affected 
but  259  boys  and  221  families.* 

*  For  statistical  data  see  Appendix,  Table  12,  p.  172. 
94 


THE    BOY   AND   THE   COURT 

There  were,  in  the  families  investigated,  a  number  of 
boys  who  were  not  themselves  arrested,  but  who  were, 
nevertheless,  properly  included  in  our  study  of  delin- 
quency. Their  gang  relations  or  other  connections  with 
the  boys  who  were  arrested  made  their  cases  significant. 
As  these  boys  and  the  boys  concerning  whose  arrests 
complete  statistical  information  is  lacking  numbered, 
together,  35,  the  total  number  of  boys  dealt  with  is  294. 

Not  all  the  boys  were  really  delinquent.  Some  were 
brought  into  court  because  of  improper  guardianship, 
an  offense  on  the  part  of  the  parents  rather  than  on  that 
of  the  children;  and  others  who  were  not  incorrigible 
came  to  the  notice  of  the  investigators.  The  word 
"delinquent"  seems  properly  to  apply  to  249  of  the  294 
boys. 

We  shall  divide  the  454  arrests  studied  into  three  main 
groups :  ( 1 )  The  group  of  260  cases  in  which  the  court  did 
nothing  after  the  child  left  its  doors;  namely,  those 
acquitted,  discharged,  released  under  suspended  sen- 
tence, whipped,  or  fined;  (2)  the  group  of  95  paroled 
cases;  (3)  the  group  of  99  cases  committed  to  institu- 
tions. Each  of  these  groups  will  be  considered  separately 
in  the  following  sections. 

II.    THE  BOY  WHO  IS  LET  GO 

The  majority  of  the  children  who  daily  passed  through 
the  court  were  dismissed  either  on  the  day  of  the  trial 
or,  at  the  latest,  after  the  rehearing  a  day  or  two  later.* 
We  have  recorded  260  of  these  cases,  considered  trivial 
by  the  court  and  closed  officially  as  soon  as  the  offender 

*  Two-thirds  of  all  the  cases  handled  in  1909  involved  minor  or 
trivial  offenses,  according  to  the  Handbook  of  the  New  York  Child 
Welfare  Exhibit,  1911.    Section  on  Laws  and  Administration,  p.  162. 

95 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

passed  out  of  the  door  on  Eleventh  Street.  As  some 
children  were  arrested  more  than  once  on  these  petty- 
charges,  the  260  arrests  affected  197  individuals  and  176 
families.  In  the  words  of  the  district,  these  197  boys 
were  simply  "  let  go." 

The  district  phrase  does  not  discriminate  between  the 
several  verdicts  under  which  this  might  happen.  If 
evidence  was  wanting  to  prove  the  child  guilty  of  the 
special  act  of  which  he  was  accused,  he  was  "dis- 
charged." If,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  convicted,  he 
might  still  be  allowed  to  go  free  with  a  "  suspended 
sentence,"  under  which  he  might  be  retried  at  any  time 
during  the  ensuing  year.  However,  a  retrial  practically 
never  occurred  unless  the  boy  was  rearrested  under  a 
new  charge.  This  fundamental  distinction,  then, 
between  innocence  and  guilt  becomes  a  mere  technical 
difference  and  must  be  gleaned  by  the  stickler  for  verbal 
accuracy  from  the  court  records  and  the  rulings  of  the 
law.  It  is  not  to  be  discovered  in  the  minds  of  either 
parents  or  children.  Both  verdicts  came  to  the  same 
thing  in  the  end.  "Aw,  he  got  out  a'  right  the  next  day. 
They  couldn't  do  nothin'  to  him  for  a  little  thing  like 
that." 

Sometimes  the  boy  was  let  go  but  a  fine  was  imposed. 
This  was  a  fact  never  to  be  forgotten  by  his  parents. 
Several  years  after  the  event,  the  mother  would  recall 
ruefully :  "  He  cost  me  two  dollars  for  that  fine,  he  did — 
an'  him  only  standin'  and  lookin'  on."  When  the  fine 
was  not  forthcoming,  the  youngster  might  be  held  for 
the  day  in  the  court  building  and  then  dismissed.  Some- 
times the  record  reads  "  Committed  for  a  day,"  which 
means  that  the  culprit  had  received  a  trouncing  from  an 
official  of  the  court.    But  there  was  very  little  difference 

96 


THE    BOY   AND   THE   COURT 

after  the  lapse  of  a  few  months  in  the  effect  of  these 
verdicts,  whether  of  discharge  or  suspended  sentence, 
because  none  projected  themselves  very  far  into  the 
later  experience  of  the  boy.  There  was  some  additional 
hectoring  at  home  and  the  full  recital  of  events  to 
the  gang.  Then,  with  a  few  exceptions,  the  experience 
became  past  history. 

Owing  to  the  thousands  of  petty  cases  which  flood  the 
court  the  individual  case  was  cursorily  handled  during 
the  hearing  as  well  as  afterward.  There  was  seldom  any 
effort  to  probe  deeper  into  the  affair  than  appeared  from 
the  version  given  by  the  little  group  before  the  bench, 
consisting  of  the  officer  who  made  the  arrest,  the  com- 
plainant, if  there  was  one,  perhaps  a  friend  or  witness 
who  was  interested  and  chose  to  be  present,  and  the 
boy's  parents.  Sometimes  the  mother  did  not  even 
reach  the  bench,  so  great  was  the  speed  with  which  such 
cases  were  reeled  off.  Very  seldom  was  there  any  time 
for  patient  questioning,  without  which  the  truth  cannot 
be  obtained  from  a  reluctant  and  fearful  child  or  from  a 
parent  already  on  the  defensive.  The  disposition  of  the 
case,  according  to  the  routine  procedure,  must  be  based 
on  an  inadequate  knowledge  of  the  circumstances.  On  a 
minor  charge  the  judge  would  seldom  utilize  his  right  to 
adjourn  a  hearing,  and  even  this  so-called  "  Remand  for 
Investigation"  might  be  used  merely  as  a  light  punish- 
ment, since  the  child  was  kept  for  several  days  in  the 
detention  rooms  of  the  Society  for  the  Prevention  of 
Cruelty  to  Children.  It  did  not  necessarily  mean  that 
any  further  inquiry  was  made. 

In  so  rough  a  hopper  as  our  system  of  arrests,  boys  of 
all  sorts  are  run  in  on  petty  complaints.  Of  course, 
many  of  the  tales  of  needless  and  mistaken  arrests  must 

97 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

be  taken  with  a  large  grain  of  salt,  as  the  mother  is 
often  quite  ready  to  accept  the  boy's  version.  But  the 
evidence  of  disinterested  residents  and  social  workers  in 
the  district  indicated  the  casual  nature  of  many  of  the 
arrests.  An  arrest  was  simply  bad  luck,  like  the  measles. 
"I  ain't  been  in  court  yet!"  said  Joey  Burns.  "I've 
only  been  in  court  twice,"  said  Patrick  Coogan. 

Nor  is  the  argument  entirely  against  the  "cop."  The 
chances  are  that,  if  the  boy  wasn't  throwing  craps  then, 
he  had  done  it  often  enough  before,  and  the  policeman, 
as  the  mother  bitingly  comments,  "has  got  his  job  to 
hold  down."  In  case  of  a  bonfire  or  a  fight,  it  is  humanly 
impossible  to  select  from  a  horde  of  running  boys  the 
exact  one  who  threw  the  can  or  lit  the  match.  An  on- 
looker is  pretty  sure  to  be  hauled  in  and  an  angry  woman 
to  be  down  around  the  officer's  ears  with,  "  It's  a  foine 
sight  of  a  strappin'  strong  man  ye  are  t'  be  takin'  up  a 
poor  innicint  b'y  an'  lettin'  thieves  and  sluggers  get 
away  on  yez." 

Yet  there  are  important  differences  among  these 
boys  arrested  on  a  seemingly  trivial  class  of  charges, 
such  as  "Loitering  in  the  hallway  of  a  house  in  West 
Forty-ninth  Street,"  "Making  a  noise,"  "Shouting  and 
creating  a  disturbance  to  the  annoyance  of  the  occupants 
of  said  house."  The  offender  may  be  a  weakling,  frail, 
ill-nourished,  and  backward.  For  this  type  of  boy, 
sensitive  and  timid  as  he  already  is  by  nature,  the  court 
experience  simply  serves  to  increase  his  defect.  Or,  at 
the  other  extreme,  he  may  be  the  leader  on  his  block, 
and  the  prime  spirit  of  all  its  "deviltry."  Hardened  by 
a  long  career  of  semi-vagabondage  in  the  streets,  this 
boy  is  likely  to  be  utterly  scornful  of  the  courts  and  their 
discipline.    But  most  of  the  boys  brought  in  on  minor 

98 


"We  Ain't  Doin'  Nothin'" 


1  he  Same  Gang  at  Craps 


THE    BOY   AND  THE   COURT 

charges  belong  somewhere  between  these  two  extremes. 
Many  of  them  are  merely  "wild,"  like  scores  of  other 
fellows  on  their  streets,  and  would  have  a  fair  prospect 
of  turning  out  well  under  proper  supervision. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  "delinquent"  was  a  misnomer 
for  at  least  one-fifth  of  the  197  boys  so  easily  dismissed 
from  court.  On  a  conservative  estimate,  39  of  these 
boys  could  not  be  charged  with  real  misdemeanor,  still 
less  with  crime.  The  sum  of  their  iniquity  was  the  viola- 
tion of  a  city  ordinance;  they  had  "obstructed  a  side- 
walk of  a  public  street  while  engaged  in  playing"  some 
game  ranging  from  football  to  craps. 

One  boy,  for  instance,  was  arrested  for  pitching 
pennies.  His  parents  were  sending  him  to  high  school 
and  had  managed  to  give  each  of  his  older  brothers  two 
years  in  a  business  college — facts  which  betoken  in  our 
district  unusual  family  energy  and  ambition.  The  boy 
himself  was  the  leading  spirit  of  an  especially  vigorous 
settlement  club.  His  mother  was  firm  in  her  protest 
that  "parents  ought  to  be  given  a  chance  to  punish 
for  such  little  things  themselves."  Even  the  graver 
offense  of  stone  throwing,  when  traced  to  its  origin, 
does  not  always  proceed  from  criminal  instincts.  The 
course  of  public  opinion  on  his  block  draws  any  spirited 
boy,  sooner  or  later,  into  some  of  the  closely  contested 
fights  which  occur  periodically  in  lieu  of  a  better  form  of 
recreation. 

These  charges  are  less  a  reflection  of  the  boy's  way- 
wardness than  of  the  community's  disregard  for  his 
needs  and  rights.  Apart  from  the  misdemeanors  which 
brought  them  into  court,  these  39  boys  were  well  up  to 
the  best  standard  of  behavior  in  the  neighborhood.  In 
only  one  case  was  there  any  serious  truancy  and  the 

99 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

boys  of  working  age  all  had  steady  jobs.  The  explana- 
tion of  their  better  behavior  was  to  be  found,  for  the 
most  part,  in  the  better  circumstances  of  their  families; 
for  most  of  them  lived  in  fair  homes  in  the  more 
prosperous  blocks  of  the  district. 

A  few  of  this  group,  however,  belonged  to  the  most 
heavily  handicapped  families  of  our  acquaintance.  One 
boy,  in  particular,  stands  out  for  a  degree  of  courage  and 
energy  remarkable  for  his  years.  His  name  was  Sam 
Sharkey.  His  family  lived  on  a  river  block  from  which 
it  was  assumed  that  no  good  could  ever  come.  "  If  the 
rent's  paid,  there  ain't  nothing  more  looked  for  from 
that  lot,"  was  the  neighborhood  opinion  of  this  partic- 
ular row.  On  the  ground  floor  of  one  of  these  squalid 
houses  Sam  and  his  mother  kept  up  a  home  for  the 
younger  brothers  and  sisters.  Mrs.  Sharkey  scrubbed  the 
floors  of  the  dental  college  and  the  boy  drove  a  delivery 
wagon.  Sam  was  his  mother's  steadfast  right  hand, 
sharing  every  responsibility  with  her.  During  one 
period  of  four  weeks,  for  instance,  while  Mrs.  Sharkey 
lay  in  the  hospital  with  peritonitis,  fifteen-year-old  Sam 
kept  up  the  home  without  her.  "All  the  time  I  was  out 
of  my  head,"  said  Mrs.  Sharkey,  speaking  of  her  hos- 
pital experience  later,  "  I  was  talking  about  Sam  and 
calling  on  him  to  do  things.  The  nurse,  she  says  to  me 
when  1  was  myself  again,  'Who  is  this  Sam  that 
you've  been  talking  about  all  this  time?'  says  she. 
'That's  my  boy,'  says  I.  And  I  was  for  getting  up  and 
coming  right  home  to  help  him,  only  they  wouldn't  let 
me."  This  was  the  same  boy  who  had  been  arrested 
not  long  before  his  mother's  illness,  for  playing  craps. 
In  his  case  there  was  great  need  of  outside  help  and  in- 
terference of  the  right  sort;  but  thanks  to  the  marvelous 

ioo 


THE    BOY   AND   THE    COURT 

stamina  of  young  life  still  to  be  found  occasionally  even 
in  the  depths  of  squalor,  there  was  certainly  no  problem 
of  delinquency. 

The  largest  group  among  the  197  boys  discharged 
from  court,  which  numbered  96,  were  of  the  type  which 
the  neighborhood  characterizes  as  "wild."  This  means 
boys  who  are  troublesome  in  school  and  are  probably 
truants.  They  are  common  nuisances,  marauding  on 
streets  and  roofs,  damaging  property,  lying,  and  pilfer- 
ing. Boys  of  this  sort  may  be  counted  by  the  hundreds 
through  these  blocks.  There  was  nothing  to  indicate 
that  the  96  representatives  who  had  been  in  court  were 
very  different  from  their  neighbors,  except  by  their  ill 
luck  in  being  "pinched."  It  would  be  a  desperate  out- 
look indeed  if  all  the  "wild"  lads  of  the  West  Side  were 
likely  to  develop  into  the  lawless  Gopher  element  which 
as  boys  they  emulate.  Still,  for  all  of  them  the  chances 
are  precarious.  There  can  be  no  question,  however, 
that  it  is  still  possible  to  counteract  the  influences  which 
are  hastening  many  of  these  boys  along  a  criminal  path. 

The  record  of  one  twelve-year-old  boy  shows  the 
typical  cross  currents  of  influence  which  affect  the  boys 
in  this  class.  Hugh  Mallory  was  the  youngest  of  eight 
children.  During  the  first  ten  years  of  his  life  his  family 
had  lived  in  the  house  in  which  he  was  born.  Here  they 
suffered  so  much  from  sickness,  death,  and  poverty 
that  they  finally  moved  to  another  street,  hoping  to 
"  change  their  luck."  After  this  they  were  more  prosper- 
ous for  a  time  until  the  father  and  one  of  the  older  boys 
got  out  of  work  and  things  began  to  look  less  cheerful. 
Mallory  was  a  hard  drinker,  especially  when  out  of 
work.  The  younger  children  feared  him  when  he  was  in 
liquor,  as  it  made  him  ugly-tempered.    A  special  an- 

101 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

tagonism  existed  between  him  and  the  second  son,  who 
would  get  out  of  bed  even  late  at  night  and  go  out 
on  the  streets  if  his  father  came  home  drunk  and  in  a 
quarrelsome  mood. 

Still,  the  family  had  "  never  had  to  ask  help  but  had 
had  enough  to  eat  and  could  get  along."  James,  the 
oldest  son,  a  young  man  of  twenty-three,  was  the  main- 
stay of  the  family.  The  mother  had  done  well  under  the 
hard  load  she  had  had  to  carry.  She  was  thrifty,  making 
all  the  children's  clothes,  even  to  the  boys'  jackets,  but 
she  showed  the  effects  of  her  hard  life  in  both  her  thin, 
worn  appearance  and  her  slack  moral  standards.  She 
was  not  above  conniving  at  such  pilfering  on  the  part  of 
the  boys  as  would  "help  along."  Forjwo  years  Hugh 
had  brought  home  coal  regularly  from  the  neighboring 
freight  yard.  Mrs.  Mallory  said  that  he  was  very  smart 
about  it  and  showed  with  pride  two  large  bags  which  he 
had  gathered.  The  method,  she  explained,  was  for  one 
boy  to  climb  on  a  car  and  throw  down  the  coal  to  the 
others,  who  picked  it  up.  She  was,  however,  constantly 
in  fear  lest  Hugh  should  be  arrested.  The  court  records 
showed  that  Hugh  had  never  been  brought  in  for  steal- 
ing coal,  but  he  had  been  arrested  for  stealing  old  iron. 
It  was  natural  that  "swiping  coal  for  his  mother" 
should  lead  to  "swiping"  things  for  his  own  purposes. 
Hugh  and  his  fifteen-year-old  brother  were  members  of 
a  club  in  a  Protestant  institutional  church.  The  club 
had  a  camp  to  which  both  boys  went  in  the  summer. 
They  had  to  pay  their  railroad  expenses,  and  got  the 
money,  in  part  at  least,  from  their  winnings  at  craps. 
The  outcome  for  Hugh  was  hard  to  foretell.  It  was  a 
toss-up  as  to  which  of  the  elements  playing  on  the  boy's 
nature  would  ultimately  assume  the  dominant  place. 

102 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

An  effort  to  swing  the  balance  with  boys  like  these 
seems  thoroughly  worth  while. 

Youngsters  like  these  form  a  large  group,  and  are 
perhaps  the  most  vulnerable  point  of  attack  for  a  court. 
With  those  who  are  merely  "wild,"  the  oversight 
and  help  of  a  good  probation  officer  should  bring  the 
best  results.  Leaders  in  settlement  clubs,  Big  Brothers 
and  social  workers  generally,  agree  that  the  problem  of 
the  boy  of  this  type,  whatever  his  surroundings,  is 
largely  one  of  wise  direction  of  his  sports  and  other 
activities.  If  the  families  of  the  culprits  and  the  social 
agencies  which  have  the  welfare  of  the  city  boy  at  heart 
could  be  brought  into  close  co-operation  with  the  court 
through  an  efficient  probation  department,  it  is  believed 
that  results  would  quickly  be  shown  in  the  diminution 
of  the  delinquent  boy  problem. 

The  remaining  62  of  the  group  of  boys  let  go  presented 
a  less  hopeful  aspect.  The  court  charge  was  not  an 
index  to  be  trusted.  Charges  of  petty  theft  were  fre- 
quent, and  six  burglaries  were  recorded  against  this 
group.  On  the  other  hand,  some  of  the  boys,  whom 
we  knew  to  be  seriously  delinquent,  had  been  brought 
before  the  judge  for  playing  craps,  building  a  fire,  or 
some  equally  trifling  offense,  and  discharged.  When  we 
pushed  the  investigation  further,  we  found  in  the  case 
of  all  these  62  boys  a  situation  whose  elements  already 
foretold  a  useless  if  not  a  vicious  manhood,  unless 
vigorous  and  sustained  effort  were  made  to  rescue  them. 

Matty  Gilmore,  for  instance,  had  been  brought  in  on 
the  charge  of  "  maintaining  a  bonfire  on  a  public  street." 
On  nearer  acquaintance,  he  proved  to  be  a  boy  in  whom 
a  definite  criminal  tendency  was  already  noticeable.  He 
had  never  worked  more  than  a  week  or  two  at  a  time  in 

103 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

spite  of  the  many  jobs  to  which  he  had  been  "chased." 
In  this  he  was  carrying  out  the  tradition  of  his  family. 
His  father  and  three  older  brothers  had  always  loafed 
by  spells  "on"  the  mother  and  sisters,  who  worked 
steadily. 

One  of  the  jobs  he  had  held  for  two  weeks  was  that 
of  delivering  packages  and  collecting  for  the  Diamond 
Laundry.  At  the  end  of  the  first  week,  his  employer 
discovered  that  he  was  pilfering.  Accused  by  the 
manager,  Matty  confessed  his  guilt  but  earnestly  de- 
clared that  he  had  been  induced  to  pilfer  by  a  friend  of 
his,  "a  bad  boy,"  who  was  also  in  the  service  of  the 
laundry  and  who  was  discharged  forthwith.  Matty  re- 
mained. On  Tuesday  of  the  next  week,  two  friends  of 
his  brought  back  a  package  with  the  tale  that  Matty  had 
been  run  over  by  a  train  and  was  too  badly  hurt  to 
work.  He  had  entrusted  them  with  the  package  to  see 
that  it  was  returned.  It  was  not  until  several  days  later 
that  the  laundry  discovered  that  Matty  and  his  friends 
had  delivered  all  the  packages  but  one  that  morning  and 
had  pocketed  the  money  collected.  His  mother  and 
sisters  made  good  the  laundryman's  loss  and  the  boy 
was  not  brought  into  court.  A  year  later,  he  was 
arrested  for  disposing  of  several  gold  watches  which  had 
been  stolen  in  a  Connecticut  town.  As  he  was  sixteen 
by  this  time  he  was  sent,  after  a  week  or  so  in  the  Tombs, 
to  the  town  where  the  theft  had  been  committed,  and 
spent  several  weeks  in  jail  awaiting  trial.  He  was  then 
dismissed  and  allowed  to  come  home  again,  where  he 
took  up  his  old  habits,  lounging  in  the  streets  and 
"hanging  out"  with  the  gang  in  its  headquarters  at 
"Fatty"  Walker's  candy  store. 

The  transient  court  experience  leaves  perhaps  a 
104 


THE    BOY   AND   THE   COURT 

deeper  impression  on  the  mother  than  on  the  boy. 
Many,  to  be  sure,  take  it  lightly  enough  and  look  upon 
the  whole  elaborate  system  as  a  sort  of  adjunct  to  their 
family  discipline.  "  It  was  just  as  well,"  one  would  say, 
"Oh,  of  course,  he  plays  now,  but  he  did  keep  off  the 
streets  there  for  awhile.  I  guess  it  did  him  some  good, 
scared  him  some."  As  for  its  effect  upon  herself,  this 
type  of  mother  is  likely  to  show  the  indifference  of  the 
woman  who  "don't  seem  to  mind,  she  has  seen  so  much 
of  them  courts." 

This  statement  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  the 
woman  has  been  to  the  court  repeatedly.  A  single  ex- 
perience may  go  a  long  way  toward  inducing  this  state 
of  mind.  Mrs.  Tracy's  account  of  Michael's  trial,  for 
instance,  shows  how  the  cursory  hearing  given  the 
case  was  bound  to  diminish  her  respect  for  the  court. 
Michael's  actual  trial,  which  was  over  in  three  minutes, 
was  the  anticlimax  of  a  distressful  day.  It  had  begun 
with  a  hurried  appeal  to  the  local  political  boss,  which 
had  been  followed  by  a  trip  to  the  court  under  the  direc- 
tion of  one  of  his  henchmen  and  by  a  long,  anxious  wait 
at  the  court  from  nine  in  the  morning  until  two  in  the 
afternoon.  And  then,  according  to  Mrs.  Tracy,  "The 
judge  says,  'Officer,  did  you  see  the  stone  in  his  hand?' 
'No,'  says  he.  'Well,'  says  the  judge,  'don't  bring  me 
any  more  cases  like  this/  We  none  of  us  got  a  chance  to 
speak,  me  nor  Michael,  nor  the  man  who  made  the 
complaint,  and  who  come  down  to  court." 

But  many  cannot  take  it  so  philosophically,  especially 
those  who  work  hard  and  are  not  so  much  in  the  drift 
of  neighborhood  events  and  sentiments.  They  have  not 
heard  enough  gossip  to  regard  an  arrest  as  a  necessary 
episode  and  to  discount  its  dangers.    Instantly  the  great 

105 


BOYHOOD   AND   LAWLESSNESS 

fear  looms  up  that  their  boy  is  to  be  taken  away.  In 
the  momentary  panic,  good  women  who  have  the  wel- 
fare of  their  children  most  sincerely  at  heart  will  falsify 
to  the  judges  without  a  scruple.  A  clergyman  of  the 
district  said  that  more  than  once  he  had  heard  the 
same  mother  who  had  previously  come  to  him  in  deep 
anxiety  concerning  her  son's  misconduct  give  him  an 
unblemished  reputation  before  the  judge.  It  rarely 
occurred  to  one  of  these  women  that  any  real  aid  was 
to  be  had  from  the  court.  To  them  it  was  simply 
another  of  the  many  hardships  which  worried  and 
harassed  their  overburdened  lives.  Loss  of  time,  and 
perhaps  of  money  for  a  fine,  are  a  very  real  sacrifice  for 
the  woman  who  works;  but  even  these  are  nothing  to 
compare  with  their  worry  and  distress.  "  I  couldn't 
help  crying,  do  you  know,  all  the  time  I  was  there, 
and  it  made  me  sick  for  a  week." 

We  have  then  to  consider  the  result  of  this  whole 
cumbersome  system  of  minor  arrests  and  discharges. 
On  the  whole,  we  were  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
handling  of  minor  cases  in  the  manner  described  did 
hold  in  check  the  trifling  delinquencies,  more  properly 
termed  nuisances,  especially  in  the  better  blocks.  In 
the  poorer  sections  it  was  not  very  successful  even  as  a 
check  on  nuisances,  as  the  casual  passerby  quickly 
learned;  and  it  did  not  seem  to  have  the  slightest  effect 
on  serious  lawlessness,  where  the  need  of  restraint  and 
discipline  was  greatest.  The  hurried  hearing,  the  slight 
consideration,  and  the  facile  discharge  were  not  only 
ineffective  but  often  positively  harmful.  There  is  no 
getting  around  the  fact  that  the  court  dealt  with  unjust 
severity  with  some  boys,  while  with  others  its  very 
leniency  tended  to  make  order  and  justice  a  mockery. 

1 06 


THE    BOY   AND  THE   COURT 

There  is  no  simple  panacea  for  all  these  troubles,  but 
in  the  immediate  situation  and  along  the  lines  of  court 
action  some  changes  are  worth  trying  out.  The  matter 
of  arrests  is  a  difficult  one  to  control;  often  no  valid 
distinction  between  the  guilty  and  the  innocent  can  be 
made  on  the  spot,  and  even  the  best  of  police  are  in  no 
way  equipped  to  decide  with  certainty  as  to  the  degree 
of  an  offender's  guilt.  However,  it  would  be  better  to 
eliminate  altogether  a  number  of  the  most  trifling  arrests 
rather  than  to  treat  the  offenders  in  too  cursory  a 
manner  after  they  are  brought  into  court. 

The  greater  expenditure  of  time  and  money  which  a 
more  thorough  treatment  of  those  arrested  presupposes 
is  an  absolute  necessity  if  we  are  to  increase  to  any 
marked  degree  the  success  of  the  court  in  grappling  with 
the  real  problem  of  delinquency.  For  this  problem,  as 
has  been  indicated,  the  best  solution  undoubtedly  is  to 
be  found  in  the  maintenance  of  an  adequate  and 
efficient  probation  staff,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  furnish 
data  concerning  the  situation  back  of  the  minor  charges 
as  well  as  of  the  more  serious  ones,  upon  which  the 
judge  may  base  his  action. 

III.    PAROLED  IN  THE  CUSTODY  OF  HIS  PARENTS 

As  there  was  no  official  probation*  in  the  children's 
court  of  Manhattan,  the  judges  had  to  rely  on  volun- 
teer probation  and  what  is  known  as  "  parole."f  Under 
the  so-called  parole  system  as  it  existed  in  connection 

*  As  already  indicated  official  probation  has  taken  the  place  of  the 
"parole"  system  since  this  chapter  was  written. 

fThis  use  of  the  term  "parole"  is  not  strictly  correct.  "Parole" 
more  properly  applies  to  the  supervision  of  delinquents  after  release 
from  institutions. 

IO7 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

with  the  Manhattan  Court,  no  constructive  effort  was 
brought  to  bear  on  the  boy  beyond  reproof  and  advice 
given  in  court  and  an  attempt  to  impress  him  with  a 
fear  of  the  consequences  to  himself  if  these  were  dis- 
regarded. This  method  was  used  in  cases  deemed  too 
serious  for  immediate  discharge,  yet  not  suitable  for 
commitment  to  institutions.  There  are  among  our 
records  95  arrests  where  this  solution  was  tried.  The 
number  of  children  concerned  was  83;  the  number  of 
families,  76. 

The  procedure  in  such  cases  took  more  time  and  con- 
sideration than  when  the  child  was  simply  discharged. 
Sometimes  the  "parole"  was  granted  on  the  day  of  the 
first  hearing  without  any  previous  investigation,  but 
usually  the  child  was  sent  to  the  detention  rooms  of  the 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  for 
two  or  three  days  to  await  a  second  hearing.  During 
this  time  an  officer  of  the  society  made  an  inquiry  and 
brought  a  report  to  the  court.  If  the  judge  then  de- 
cided to  "parole"  the  culprit,  he  was  sent  home  to  his 
parents,  to  whom  the  following  card  was  given : 

"Your   child ,  paroled  in  your  custody 

until ,  on  which  date  you  will  report  with  h .  .  at 

the  Children's  Court,  66  Third  Avenue  (Corner  of  Eleventh 
Street),  at  10  a.  m.  for  further  instructions  from  the  Court. 

"The  disposition  of  the  case  will  depend  entirely  upon  h. . 
conduct  while  so  released  and  your  supervision  over  h.  .  . 

"The  case  will  be  re-investigated  by  the  New  York  Society 
for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  of  Children,  and  a  full  report 
submitted  on  the  date  set  for  the  return  to  Court." 

The  date  set  for  his  next  appearance  was  generally 
about  a  month  later.  Just  before  it  arrived  another 
inquiry  was  made  to  form  the  basis  of  a  new  report  to 
the  court.    The  officer  of  the  society  to  whom  the  case 

108 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

was  assigned  had  no  responsibility  for  the  conduct  of  the 
child  during  this  interval.  His  sole  task  was  to  discover 
what  it  had  been  and  to  report  it  correctly.  The  judge 
glanced  over  the  papers  concerning  the  previous  hear- 
ing, read  the  new  report,  and  accordingly  terminated  or 
extended  the  "parole."  As  a  usual  thing  it  was  only 
two  or  three  months  before  the  forces  of  the  law  ceased 
to  concern  themselves  with  the  boy,  and  for  the  time  at 
least  he  passed  beyond  the  oversight  of  the  court.  He 
might  have  to  report,  perhaps  once,  perhaps  four  times 
— very  seldom  more.  In  case  of  failure  to  do  this,  a 
bench  warrant  might  be  issued  on  which  he  would  be 
brought  in,  but  this  happened  very  seldom. 

A  comparison  of  our  95  paroled  cases  with  all  the 
cases,  1,805  m  number,  under  the  care  of  the  Society 
for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  during  1909, 
shows  that  the  average  period  of  parole  was  about  the 
same  for  both  groups.  Speaking  in  general  terms,  about 
one-third  of  the  children  in  each  group  were  on  parole  a 
month  or  even  less,  and  at  the  end  of  three  months  the 
parole  was  ended  for  all  but  a  small  proportion  of  the 
cases  in  both  groups.  The  inadequacy  of  the  one  to  three 
months'  parole  is  best  indicated  by  comparing  it  with 
the  usual  term  of  commitments.  The  institutions  have, 
by  common  consent,  declared  that  a  commitment  of 
less  than  one  and  a  half  to  two  years  is  not  sufficient  to 
effect  any  real  change  in  the  character  of  the  offender. 
There  is,  then,  little  to  expect  in  the  way  of  actual  ref- 
ormation from  brief  parole  terms.  Especially  is  this 
true  so  long  as  they  are  not  re-enforced  by  any  direct 
effort  to  modify  the  conditions  of  the  child's  life  or  to 
influence  his  character  and  conduct. 

A  second  defect  of  the  parole  system  was  the  im- 
109 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

portant  part  played  in  the  court's  decision  by  the  written 
word  of  the  parole  officer.  Meager  statements,  even 
when  accurate  in  themselves,  may  be  as  misleading  as 
if  they  were  false.  Two  reports  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  judge  may,  on  the  face  of  them,  be  not  dissimilar; 
but  in  the  light  of  further  investigation,  one  of  the  cases 
may  prove  to  be  far  more  serious  than  the  other. 

An  investigation  too  frequently  was  made  as  follows*. 
The  parole  officer  secured  the  mother's  statement  as  to 
the  boy's  conduct,  hours,  and  associates;  the  testimony 
of  the  neighbors  as  to  the  character  of  the  family;  a 
statement  from  the  boy's  school;  and,  perhaps,  if  he 
was  working,  a  statement  from  his  employer  as  to  his 
regularity,  conduct,  and  quality  of  work.  The  following 
is  a  typical  record  of  such  an  investigation: 

This  record  concerns  Patrick  Staley,  a  boy  of  twelve,  liv- 
ing at  West  Street,  "charged  with  disorderly  conduct  in 
that  he  did  climb  on  the  rear  of  a  truck  moving  through  said 
street  and  take  and  carry  away  merchandise,  to  wit:  one  jar, 
containing  a  quantity  of  mustard." 

The  report  of  the  investigation  reads:  "Defendant  lives  at 
the  above  address  with  his  widowed  mother,  in  a  very  poorly 
furnished  home  of  three  rooms,  where  they  have  resided  the 
past  two  years.  Mother  of  the  defendant  is  employed  as  a 
cleaner  in  Public  School  5 1  where  she  earns  f  6.00  a  week.  This 
is  the  only  income  of  the  family.  Mrs.  Staley  was  seen  and 
states  that  her  son  Patrick  has  been  very  well  behaved  since 
arrested  and  paroled.  Further  states  that  he  attends  school 
every  day  at  Public  School  51  and  that  he  has  no  bad  asso- 
ciates that  she  knows  of.  Further  states  that  he  is  never  on 
the  street  at  night  and  is  well  behaved  in  and  about  the 
house.  Neighbors,  all  of  the  poorest  class,  state  that  the  boy 
Patrick  is  a  good  boy.  No  school  record  was  obtained  as  there 
is  no  school  this  week." 

With  every  rehearing  the  same  ground  was  covered 
in  the  reinvestigation — a  second  interview  with  the 
mother,  the  neighbors,  the  school,  and  possibly  the  em- 

1 10 


THE    BOY    AND    THE    COURT 

ployer.  In  addition  to  the  parole  officer's  report,  the 
boy  was  supposed  to  present  a  card  signed  daily  by  his 
teacher  and  parent.  Of  the  full  family  make-up,  its 
history,  the  attitude  of  the  parents,  the  temper  of  the 
home,  the  character  of  the  neighborhood,  the  boy's 
individuality  and  interest, — in  a  word,  of  the  whole 
vital  human  situation  represented,  nothing  is  to  be 
gleaned  from  the  curt  and  general  phrases  of  hastily 
gathered  reports.  The  importance,  therefore,  of  insur- 
ing complete  and  thorough  investigation  through  the 
employment  of  a  trained  staff  of  workers  cannot  be  over- 
emphasized.* 

The  following  record,  as  brief  as  the  one  quoted  above, 
was  based  on  a  very  thorough  investigation  by  a 
trained  worker. 

This  report  concerns  James  Riley,  a  boy  of  fourteen,  living 
in  West  53rd  Street,  charged  with  creating  a  disturbance  by 
"throwing  missiles  and  knocking  off  a  man's  hat." 

The  report  of  the  investigation  reads:  "Defendant  resides 
at  the  above  address  with  his  parents  in  a  fairly  clean  and 
comfortable  home  of  four  rooms.  Mrs.  Riley  was  seen  and  she 
states  that  her  son  has  been  very  well  behaved  since  on  parole. 
That  he  has  been  attending  school  regularly  and  has  no  bad 
associates  to  her  knowledge.  Further  states  that  he  is  never 
out  of  the  house  evenings.  Further  states  that  her  daughter 
Mary  practically  takes  care  of  the  home  and  that  she  herself 
is  employed  in  Bellevue  Hospital  and  her  husband  is  a  long- 
shoreman. Neighbors  and  janitress  all  speak  favorably  of  the 
Riley  family  and  state  that  the  boy  James  since  on  parole  is 
very  well  behaved  in  and  about  the  premises  and  seems  to 
attend  school  more  regularly.  At  Public  School  82  the  fol- 
lowing report  was  obtained:  "Attendance  satisfactory,  con- 
duct excellent,  work  fair  to  good." 

The  two  boys,  the  two  homes,  the  two  situations  were 

*  Since  the  above  was  written,  a  new  system  of  records  recom- 
mended by  the  state  probation  commission  has  been  adopted  by  the 
court  for  the  use  of  probation  officers.  They  cover  all  cases  investi- 
gated or  on  probation  since  March,  1912. 

I  I  I 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

radically  different.  Yet,  although  there  may  be  no  mis- 
statement, the  cases  of  the  boy  James  and  the  boy  Patrick 
appear,  on  the  face  of  the  reports,  to  be  quite  similar. 

It  does  not  follow  from  the  brevity  with  which  facts 
may  be  presented  that  they  are  the  sifted  truth  from 
which  the  chaff  of  falsehood  has  been  blown  away. 
And  yet  in  gathering  this  kind  of  evidence,  judicious 
sifting  is  absolutely  necessary.  The  word  of  the  parents 
must  be  considered  and  is  of  great  importance,  but  it 
cannot  be  taken  on  its  face  value.  In  a  district  such  as 
ours,  with  its  marked  hostility  toward  the  forces  of  the 
law,  it  would  indeed  be  strange  if  a  parent  on  the  de- 
fensive would  choose  to  give  reliable  evidence  rather 
than  evasive  and  misleading  statements.  And  the  more 
serious  the  charge,  the  less  reliable,  naturally,  is  the 
parent's  word.  At  best  it  is  merely  indicative  of  the 
father's  or  mother's  judgment,  which  is  often  too  feeble 
a  staff  to  be  depended  upon. 

For  similar  reasons,  the  testimony  of  neighbors  is 
open  to  question.  The  Bransfields,  who  had  a  reputa- 
tion from  one  end  of  the  block  to  the  other  as  being  the 
"toughest  of  the  tough"  were  nevertheless,  according 
to  court  records,  "favorably  spoken  of  in  the  house." 
Thus,  also,  the  parents  of  James  Burckel  were  set  down 
as  "to  all  appearances  respectable.  They  are  favorably 
spoken  of  in  the  house.  They  have  lived  there  for  the 
past  four  years."  Yet  the  father  of  James  Burckel  had 
served  three  terms  in  prison.  On  the  other  hand,  really 
respectable  parents  deeply  resent  the  stigma  of  having 
the  news  spread  through  the  house  that  a  probation 
officer  has  been  inquiring  about  them.  Evidence  of 
this  sort,  unreliable  as  it  is  likely  to  be  for  the  court  on 
the  one  hand  and  mortifying  to  the   parents  on  the 

I  12 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

other,  should  be  gathered  only  with  the  greatest  care 
and  discrimination. 

The  school  has  been  in  the  past,  and  must  continue 
to  be  in  the  future,  one  of  the  most  important  contrib- 
utors to  the  information  of  the  court.  Here  is  to  be 
found  a  group  of  people — principal,  teachers,  and 
possibly  truant  officer — who  are  free  from  the  personal 
bias  of  the  family  and  who  have  been  in  daily  contact 
with  the  child  arraigned.  This  joining  of  forces  with  the 
school  was  one  of  the  great  advances  made  by  the 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  in  its 
development  of  the  parole  system.  A  good  school  record 
was  a  concrete  argument  in  favor  of  the  boy,  while 
truancy  and  loafing  were  nearly  certain  to  go  hand  in 
hand  with  any  very  serious  misconduct.  But  in  order 
to  be  useful  such  records  need  to  be  as  full  as  possible. 
School  attendance,  for  instance,  is  best  reported  by 
giving  the  exact  number  of  days  absent  and  present. 
Similarly,  inquiry  concerning  his  employment  should  in- 
clude the  statement  of  his  hours  of  work  and  the  exact 
periods  of  unemployment  as  far  as  this  is  possible. 

The  work  record  of  the  wage-earner  corresponds  in 
importance  to  the  school  records  of  the  younger  boy. 
This  inquiry  must  be  handled  very  carefully.  The  fact 
of  a  boy's  delinquency,  if  brought  directly  to  his  em- 
ployer's attention,  may  bear  disproportionately  hard 
upon  him.  But  often  the  mere  recital  of  his  work 
history  by  his  parents  or  by  himself  would  reveal  the 
essential  facts,  such  as  the  number  of  shifts  in  employ- 
ment, the  speedy  "throwing  up"  of  his  job,  and  the 
long  waits  between  work. 

Parents,  neighbors,  school,  and  place  of  work — this 
completes  the  list  of  sources  from  which,  at  the  time 

ii3 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

of  our  investigation,  the  court  drew  its  information. 
The  start  made  with  the  schools  had  not  been  extended 
to  the  social  and  charitable  agencies  of  the  neighbor- 
hood. Yet  the  records  of  the  relief  societies  often  con- 
tained in  compact  form,  ready  to  hand,  facts  which 
were  vital  to  a  full  understanding  of  the  case.  In  41  of 
the  95  parole  cases  which  came  under  our  observation, 
the  families  had  records  in  the  offices  of  relief  societies. 
Some  of  the  family  histories  extended  back  fifteen  or 
twenty  years,  but  in  none  of  these  cases  had  the  records 
been  consulted  by  the  court. 

The  agencies  which  keep  less  systematic  records  and 
yet  come  in  close  personal  touch  with  handicapped 
families — settlements  and  churches — are  no  less  valu- 
able as  sources  of  information.  In  one  of  the  parole 
cases,  involving  a  rather  serious  charge  of  burglary,  the 
insufficient  account  of  the  home  surroundings  was  sup- 
plemented by  the  apology,  "As  the  house  in  which  the 
family  lived  is  tenanted  entirely  by  Italians,  very  little 
information  could  be  obtained  for  or  against  the  boy." 
Yet  across  the  street  was  a  settlement  in  which  the  boy's 
history  was  well  known  and  which  was  well  qualified 
to  sponsor  plans  for  his  improvement.  No  opportunity 
was  given  it  to  advise  commitment  for  this  lad  in  pref- 
erence to  the  parole  and  suspension  of  sentence  which 
sent  him  back  to  the  streets  absolutely  without  super- 
vision. Thus  the  social  worker  who  may  have  been 
watching  a  hopeless  situation  drag  on  for  years  with- 
out power  to  intervene  may  lose  the  chance  to  carry 
out  a  plan  for  the  child's  welfare,  and  the  court  may 
fall  back  upon  a  hasty  judgment  in  place  of  the  social 
worker's  well  matured  program.  The  decision  which 
may  hang  upon  a  slender  thread  of  scanty  informa- 

114 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

tion  is  one  of  no  slight  importance.  It  determines  the 
environment  of  the  child  for  several  years  during  one  of 
the  most  plastic  periods  of  his  life.  The  verdict  of 
the  judge  will  determine  whether  these  will  be  spent 
either  in  his  own  home  or  in  an  institution. 

The  main  test  of  any  system  which  either  assumes 
the  name  or  takes  the  place  of  probation  is  its  effect 
on  the  individual  child.  What  is  the  consequence  for 
the  boy?  Does  it  improve  or  encourage  him  so  that 
he  makes  any  effort  in  a  new  direction?  This  is  a  dif- 
ficult task  to  accomplish,  and  to  measure  results  is 
perhaps  still  more  difficult.  Yet  a  priori  it  is  evident 
that  with  a  system  of  parole  carried  on  as  here  de- 
scribed permanent  benefit  for  the  individual  will  not 
result.  In  studying  the  entire  history  of  any  boy,  the 
few  months  of  parole  seem  such  a  minor  influence 
in  comparison  with  the  other  forces  constantly  working 
upon  him,  that  it  is  impossible  to  assign  any  large  share 
in  the  final  outcome  to  the  effect  of  such  casual  oversight 
as  the  court  has  given.  Nor  was  insufficient  supervision 
from  this  source  compensated  for  by  the  volunteer 
probation.  As  far  as  we  could  discover,  only  36  per 
cent  of  the  paroled  children  on  our  records  had  been 
visited  by  volunteers.  Yet  this  percentage  was  un- 
doubtedly higher  than  the  percentage  for  all  cases 
brought  into  court,  because  we  deliberately  selected 
more  than  a  due  proportion  of  our  cases  from  among 
those  under  volunteer  probation. 

We  have  traced  as  accurately  as  possible  the  out- 
come of  parole  in  our  95  cases.*     In  78  cases  the  boy 

*  For  three  of  the  95  paroled  cases  this  information  was  not  avail- 
able. Data  concerning  the  remaining  92  cases  and  the  1,492  paroled 
cases  disposed  of  by  the  Manhattan  court  in  1909  may  be  found  in 
the  Appendix,  Table  13,  p.  173. 

115 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

was  discharged  or  sentence  was  suspended  when  the 
parole  period  ended;  in  14  cases  the  boy  was  com- 
mitted to  an  institution  during  parole.  There  were 
other  cases  in  which  the  boy  was  either  rearrested  and 
committed  or  rearrested  and  discharged  after  parole. 
In  fact,  our  records  show  that  this  was  true  of  about 
one-half  of  the  boys.  A  considerable  group,  however, 
did  not  return  to  court  at  all  before  the  age  of  sixteen. 
The  fact  that  the  boys  of  this  latter  group  escaped  being 
arrested  again  does  not  justify  us  in  concluding  that 
they  were  "  reformed."  We  therefore  studied  the  later 
histories  of  the  83  boys  concerned  in  the  95  cases  of 
arrest  and  parole,  to  ascertain,  as  far  as  possible, 
whether  the  outcome  was  poor  or  satisfactory.  This 
inquiry  was  conducted,  and  the  results  were  considered, 
on  the  basis  of  boys  rather  than  of  cases.  Our  judg- 
ment was  determined  by  each  boy's  regularity  at  school 
or  work  subsequent  to  his  parole,  by  the  accounts  of  his 
parents  as  to  whether  he  was  "out  from  under  them" 
or  doing  well,  and  especially  as  to  whether  he  had  com- 
mitted any  offense  more  serious  than  the  mere  prank, 
which  in  most  of  the  cases  had  led  to  the  original  arrest. 
It  appeared  that  of  the  boys  rearrested  almost  all  had 
conduct  records  that  amply  justified  their  being  again 
brought  into  court.  In  less  than  one-third  of  the  his- 
tories studied  was  the  recent  record  so  satisfactory,  or 
the  cause  for  complaint  so  slight,  that  reformation  may 
be  said  to  have  taken  place.  That  the  system  had  a 
deterrent  effect  on  some  of  the  boys  is  undoubtedly 
true,  but  that  it  accounted  for  any  real  reformation  is 
not  very  probable. 


1 16 


THE    BOY    AND    THE    COURT 

IV.    THE  BOY  THAT  GETS  "SENT  UP" 

The  theory  of  commitment  is  in  itself  a  matter  for 
serious  consideration.  It  involves  an  attempt  by  the 
state  to  undo  in  a  new  environment  the  evil  results  of 
old  environmental  and  home  influences.  In  other 
words,  the  law  decides  that  the  family  life  has 
broken  down  for  the  time  being  and  that  others  shall 
undertake  to  do  what  the  parents  have  failed  to  accom- 
plish. This  is  a  grave  step,  presupposing  a  crisis  and 
justifying  itself  only  through  absolute  necessity  and  the 
actual  achievement  of  its  purpose. 

The  first  question  to  be  asked  concerning  any  sen- 
tence of  commitment  is,  was  no  better  alternative  pos- 
sible? The  preceding  discussion  has  shown  that  the 
judge  has  been  seriously  hampered  through  lack  of  pro- 
vision for  more  adequate  methods  of  treatment.  He 
could  not  obtain  for  the  boy,  who  needed  also  guidance 
and  incentive  as  well  as  discipline,  the  careful  over- 
sight which  a  well  organized  probation  system  would 
have  afforded. 

The  second  question  concerns  the  effectiveness  of  the 
sentence.  Has  the  boy  himself  been  helped  in  the  direc- 
tion of  discipline  and  an  ordered  life,  and  has  the  neigh- 
borhood been  benefited  by  the  removal  of  a  lawless 
spirit?  These  are  the  questions  which  we  shall  try  to 
answer  concerning  some  of  the  boys  "sent  up." 

The  emphasis  put  upon  the  neighborhood  point  of 
view  has  excluded  any  critical  examination  of  the  insti- 
tutions to  which  the  boys  were  committed  or  any  sta- 
tistical inquiry  into  their  results.  As  in  the  previous 
chapters,  the  angle  of  vision  was  exclusively  that  of  the 

117 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

district.  A  certain  group  of  the  neighborhood  boys  had 
been  committed,  and  we  tried  to  find  out  how  the  neigh- 
borhood appraised  this  action  and  what  its  results  had 
been  for  the  neighborhood  and  the  boys  concerned. 
The  methods  of  different  institutions,  whether  sound 
or  otherwise,  their  successes  and  failures,  did  not  con- 
cern us  in  themselves,  but  only  as  they  had  influenced 
the  lives  of  our  children  and  were  reflected  in  the 
attitude  of  our  people. 

The  conclusions  of  this  section  are  based  on  a  study 
of  99  commitments,  meted  out  to  75  children,  in  67 
families.  In  this  group  were  the  boys  who  had  the 
longest  and  most  serious  delinquency  histories,  and  it 
was  important  that  the  account  should  be  made  as 
complete  as  possible.  Five  different  sources  were  con- 
sulted— the  court  record  of  the  trial,  the  report  of  the 
investigating  agent  of  the  Society  for  the  Prevention 
of  Cruelty  to  Children,  the  school  records,  the  relief 
society  records,  and  statements  from  the  family  and 
neighbors.  None  of  these  sources  was  complete  in 
itself.  However,  the  outline  of  the  boy's  delinquency 
history,  including  trivial  arrests  and  more  serious  es- 
capades for  which  no  arrest  had  been  made,  was  pieced 
together  as  fully  as  possible.  There  is  surely  much 
more,  at  least  in  the  way  of  illuminating  detail,  that 
cannot  be  known  because  it  had  been  left  unrecorded. 
The  meagerness  of  the  information  is  a  serious  handi- 
cap to  the  agencies  which  seek  to  reform  the  boy,  and 
to  the  judge  who  must  pronounce  sentence  upon  him. 

There  are  several  different  institutions  to  which  the 
boys  of  this  group  had  been  committed  from  the  chil- 
dren's court.  The  division  of  these  cases  fails  largely 
along  religious  lines.     The  Catholic  Protectory  receives 

118 


THE    BOY    AND    THE    COURT 

all  the  children  of  Catholic  parents,  excepting  the  ex- 
treme cases  of  delinquent  girls,  who  are  sent  to  the 
House  of  the  Good  Shepherd.  The  children  of  Protes- 
tant parents  are  sent,  if  they  are  truants  merely,  to  the 
New  York  and  Brooklyn  truant  schools.  In  the  more 
serious  cases  of  delinquency,  the  boys  are  sent  to  the 
Juvenile  Asylum  and  the  girls  to  the  House  of  Mercy. 
There  is  one  city  institution,  the  House  of  Refuge, 
which  is  nonsectarian  and  usually  takes  charge  of  the 
most  seriously  delinquent  boys. 

In  committing  a  boy  to  an  institution,  the  judge  was 
obliged  to  be  guided  mainly  by  the  culprit's  court 
record.  The  number  of  the  boy's  arrests  had  perhaps 
mounted  past  all  ignoring  and  he  was  "put  away." 
On  the  other  hand,  he  may  have  been  caught  in  some 
particularly  striking  offense,  or  his  gang  may  have  been 
in  need  of  a  subduing  example.  In  some  of  these  cases 
the  judge  meted  out  the  drastic  punishment  even 
where  there  had  been  only  a  single  previous  arrest. 
He  had,  as  we  have  seen,  no  facilities  at  hand  for 
having  a  thorough  investigation  made  of  the  sit- 
uation. 

The  absence  of  investigation  was  definitely  trace- 
able in  our  group  of  committed  cases.  The  records  of 
53  arrests  were  studied  to  discover  whether  the  cases 
had  been  remanded  for  investigation  or  not.  Eleven, 
or  about  one-fifth,  of  the  53  cases  had  been  so  remanded; 
42,  or  four-fifths,  had  not  been  remanded.  The  signifi- 
cance of  the  42  cases  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  decision 
was  given  on  the  day  of  the  first  hearing.  Therefore 
it  is  certain  that  no  new  investigation  was  made,  and 
that  the  boys  were  removed  trom  their  homes  at  a  time 
when  it  was  impossible  for  the  court  to  have  known 

119 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

what  these  homes  were  like.*  In  these  cases,  it  was 
the  home  and  the  family  rather  than  the  boy  which 
were  tried  and  judged  without  investigation.  Moral 
bankruptcy  was  declared  without  the  necessary  evi- 
dence in  hand.  We  may  well  doubt  whether  in  the 
cases  of  some  of  these  boys  there  was  not  a  better  alter- 
native to  the  institution  sentence. 

Even  when  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  court  the 
crisis  has  been  reached,  a  thorough  investigation  will 
often  make  the  sentence  more  intelligent,  and  occa- 
sionally reverse  the  decision  for  a  commitment.  Cer- 
tain cases  that  seem  desperate  at  the  hearing  do  not 
prove  hopeless  when  conditions  are  thoroughly  under- 
stood, and  are  sometimes  capable  of  disentanglement* 
at  home.  Certainly  every  intelligent  effort  should  be) 
made  by  the  court  before  allowing  the  odium  of  com- 
mitment to  rest  upon  one  of  its  charges. 

There  were  three  boys  in  the  group  of  53  in  whose 
cases  commitment  had  been  a  serious  error.  The  first 
was  a  Jewish  boy  who  had  been  caught  pilfering  with 
a  gang  of  thieves.  At  his  school,  where  he  was  rated 
as  a  well  behaved  and  promising  pupil,  the  teachers 
declared  that  the  act  was  foreign  to  his  character.  In 
fact,  the  school  refused  to  believe  that  the  charge  was 
true.  The  boy  was  overwhelmed  by  his  sentence.  He 
refused  to  return  to  his  class,  gave  up  his  previous  plans 
of  going  to  the  high  school,  and  settled  down  as  an 
assistant  in  a  trade  for  which  he  had  no  aptitude.  A 
thorough  knowledge  of  his  home  and  school  relations 
would  have  shown  the  court  the  sufficiency  of  a  lighter 
sentence  and  would  have  left  the  boy  his  elasticity  and 

*  This  condition  was  changed  with  the  instajlation  of  the  official 
probation  staff  in  March,  1912. 

120 


THE    BOY    AND    THE    COURT 

ambition.  A  second  lad,  who  came  from  a  family  of 
very  high  morals,  was  arrested  during  the  slack  season 
of  his  trade.  His  entire  previous  history  from  all 
sources  showed  that  the  sentence  was  unnecessarily 
severe.  The  third  case  was  that  of  a  boy  who  was  in 
the  care  of  a  Big  Brother.  During  the  temporary 
absence  of  the  latter  from  the  city,  the  boy  got  into 
trouble  and  was  immediately  "sent  up"  without  wait- 
ing until  the  Big  Brother  could  be  consulted.  The  boy 
had  had  a  brutalized  childhood,  but  was  being  slowly 
won  back  to  confidence  in  his  fellows,  and  the  tem- 
porary lapse  should  have  been  condoned.  Commit- 
ment took  away  practically  all  his  chances,  and  all  the 
work  of  his  Big  Brother  friend  had  gone  for  nothing. 

But  let  us  consider  the  boy  whose  case  really  cried 
out  for  extreme  discipline,  and  who  was  accordingly 
"put  away."  This  drastic  step  ought  to  have  formed 
the  climax  of  his  delinquency  history.  The  test  of 
commitment  is  whether  it  really  pulls  the  boy  up  short 
in  his  delinquency  career.  As  a  matter  of  fact  we  find 
that  it  frequently  did  not.  The  boy  who  had  several 
arrests  on  his  record  tended  to  add  another  commit- 
ment to  his  first. 

The  final  criticism  of  the  system  lies  in  the  fact  that 
the  commitment  was  often  only  the  beginning  of  further 
trouble.  This  is  illustrated  by  the  history  of  two 
brothers,  John  and  Michael  Moran.  The  Morans  were 
respectable  Irish  people  who  had  lived  in  the  district 
for  years.  The  careers  of  the  two  boys  given  below 
were  by  no  means  in  line  with  family  precedents.  The 
mother  was  a  decent,  hardworking  woman  who  had  been 
a  widow  for  many  years.  The  boys,  as  she  said  apa- 
thetically, had  "got  out  from  under  her"  and  condi- 

121 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

tions  had  been  too  much  for  them.  More  terrible  pic- 
tures of  childhood  than  those  given  in  these  records 
would  be  hard  to  find. 

John's  court  career  was  begun  before  he  was  ten 
years  old.  A  year  later  he  was  brought  into  court  a 
second  time  on  a  charge  of  theft.  A  few  months  after- 
ward a  third  arrest  sent  him  to  the  Catholic  Protec- 
tory. The  commitment  was  a  short-term  one — thirty 
days — and  obviously  had  little  effect.  Six  months  later 
he  was  brought  into  court  a  fourth  time  and  in  this  case 
he  was  paroled.  One  month  later  there  was  a  fifth 
arrest,  and  although  his  parole  had  not  yet  expired,  his 
case  was  neither  investigated  nor  his  parole  revoked, 
but  he  was  simply  discharged.  Three  months  after- 
ward a  sixth  arrest  sent  him  to  the  Protectory  for  a 
second  term. 

Michael,  his  brother,  had  had  three  different  sen- 
tences to  the  same  institution,  where  he  had  in  fact 
spent  a  great  part  of  his  short  life.  His  first  arrest  was 
for  the  theft  of  a  pair  of  shoes.  He  was  committed  to 
the  Protectory  for  ten  months.  Three  months  after 
he  had  been  set  at  liberty  he  was  recommitted  for  over 
a  year,  this  time  for  stone  throwing.  A  year  and  a  half 
intervened, — only  one  arrest  during  that  time,  though 
that  was  on  the  serious  charge  of  burglary — and  then 
he  was  once  more  sentenced  to  the  Catholic  Protectory 
for  a  year  and  a  half.  The  charge  was  truancy.  Four 
months  after  his  discharge  he  was  arrested  again,  and 
a  year  after  he  had  been  discharged  from  his  third  term 
he  was  back  in  an  institution.  In  this  last  arrest  his 
mother  testified  "that  he  wouldn't  work  at  all,  and 
might  just  as  well  be  put  away."  There  was  a  touch 
of  humor  in  the  fact  that  he  expressed  a  preference  for 

122 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

some  other  institution,  because  "he  had  been  in  the 
College  three  times  already."  Me  was  sent  to  the 
truant  school. 

The  following  outlines  give  in  graphic  form  the  de- 
linquency records  of  these  two  brothers: 

JOHN    MORAN'S    DELINQUENCY    RECORD 

May  7,  1907 Arrested    in   company   with   other 

boys.  Remanded  until  the  8th. 
Pleaded  guilty.  Sentence  sus- 
pended. 

June  9,  1908 Arrested  for  theft  with  another  boy. 

No  complaint.     Discharged. 

October  22,  1908 Arrested  for  selling  newspapers  at 

midnight.  (No  record  of  this  at 
S.  P.  C.  C.)  Committed  to 
the  Catholic  Protectory.  Dis- 
charged November  20,  1908. 

June  10,  1909 Arrested  on  a  charge  of  improper 

guardianship;  found  asleep  in  a 
hallway  at  2:30  a.  m.  Adjourned 
until  June  14,  then  paroled  until 
August   14. 

July  24,  1909 Arrested    for   begging   and   selling 

newspapers  at  night.  Dis- 
charged. (No  parole  investiga- 
tion.) 

October  7,  1909 Arrested  at  1 1  p.  m.  in  a  disturbance 

in  the  street.  Recommitted  to 
the  Catholic  Protectory. 

MICHAEL   MORAN'S   DELINQUENCY    RECORD 

November  9,  1905 Arrested  for  theft  of  shoes  and  com- 
mitted to  the  Catholic  Protec- 
tory.    Released  September,  1906. 

December  12,  1906 Arrested    for   stone   throwing   and 

committed  to  the  Catholic  Pro- 
tectory.   Released  January,  1908. 

May  1,  1908 Arrested    for    burglary — stole    iron 

fixtures    from    a    vacant    house. 
Paroled. 
123 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

June  23,  1908 Charged  with  truancy.    Committed 

to  the  Catholic  Protectory.  Re- 
leased December  14,  1909. 

April  23,  1910 Arrested.      Hearing   25th.      Fined 

$1.00. 

January,  191 1 Arrested  for  stone-throwing.     Sent 

to  the  truant  school. 

One  of  the  most  important  elements  in  the  problem 
is  the  attitude  of  parents  toward  the  commitment  of  a 
child.  Perhaps  most  of  them  resent  it  and  look  upon 
it  as  a  misfortune  and  a  disgrace.  The  very  fact  of 
commitment  is  denied  if  possible;  the  boy  is  "in  the 
country,"  or  he  is  "visiting  relatives."  The  parents 
are  anxious  to  have  him  home  again  as  soon  as  the 
term  is  up  or  an  application  will  be  accepted. 

Another  group  of  families  take  a  commitment  with 
the  same  indifference  with  which  they  accept  all  the 
other  unavoidable  facts  of  life.  If  babies  die,  or  the 
husband  is  out  of  work,  or  the  children  are  sent  away 
for  a  couple  of  years,  it  is  all  a  part  and  parcel  of  the 
inevitable,  all  equally  removed  from  choice  and  regret. 
Often  the  parents  are  so  busy  earning  a  meager  living 
that  they  hardly  know  where  the  children  are  passing 
their  time,  and  so  the  boys  develop  into  rowdies  who 
spend  their  nights  on  roofs  or  stairs  and  their  days  in 
loafing.  Victims  of  drunkenness,  need,  and  sickness, 
they  do  not  know  the  meaning  of  discipline,  and  it  rare- 
ly occurs  to  their  families  that  they  can  do  anything 
in  the  matter,  much  less  that  they  ought  to. 

More  rarely  the  judge  has  to  deal  with  a  parent  who 
sees  in  the  court  the  child's  best  chance  of  improve- 
ment. This  happens  chiefly  in  cases  where  the  father 
or  mother  is  at  work  away  from  home,  and  cannot  be 
personally  responsible  for  the  children's  attendance  at 

124 


THE    BOY    AND   THE   COURT 

school.  The  father  of  one  of  our  boys,  for  instance,  was 
a  skilled  English  waiter,  whose  wife  had  died  some  years 
before.  His  oldest  daughter  kept  house,  but  the  two 
younger  boys  were  beyond  her  control.  The  father 
recognized  the  danger  of  their  becoming  increasingly 
delinquent  through  his  absence  and  the  influence  of 
the  neighborhood,  and  therefore  allowed  them  to  be 
placed  in  the  truant  school  as  a  safeguard. 

Indeed,  a  large  part  of  the  trouble  with  the  children 
comes  from  the  impossibility  of  proper  supervision  by 
the  parents.  The  absence  of  the  father  or  mother  is  a 
prolific  cause  of  delinquency.  The  women  say,  "He 
was  all  right  until  his  father  died";  or,  "I  can't  do 
nothin'  with  him  since  my  man's  sick";  or,  "Since  my 
husband  went  to  all-night  work  in  the  slaughter  house, 
Jimmy  and  Tommy  are  always  out  late";  or,  "I  go 
out  to  scrubbin'  at  five  o'clock  in  the  mornin'  and 
there's  nobody  to  give  the  children  breakfast  and  chase 
them  to  school."  In  other  instances,  the  prospect  of 
the  long  summer's  vacation  spent  idling  on  the  streets 
makes  the  mother  uneasy,  and  she  asks  the  judge  to 
"  put  him  away  until  school  begins  to  keep  him  off  the 
streets."  At  other  times  the  parents  grow  discouraged 
at  the  strain  of  gang  influence  as  against  family  disci- 
pline and  tell  the  judge  to  send  the  boy  up  "as  his  last 
chance  to  be  decent."  They  occasionally  have  masses 
said  for  the  improvement  of  the  child  under  commit- 
ment and  hope  great  things  from  his  return  home, 
sobered  down  by  a  year  or  two  of  routine  life.  In  these 
cases,  the  parents  have  given  the  problem  the  most 
intelligent  thought  of  which  they  are  capable  and  have 
concluded  that  the  institution  is  a  preferable  alternative 
to  the  home  and  the  streets. 

125 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

Again,  there  is  a  group  of  families  who  use  commit- 
ment for  their  own  purposes.  They  are  usually  very 
poor  and  seek  by  this  means  to  make  provision  for 
children  whom  they  are  unable  to  support.  In  some 
of  these  instances,  the  parents  had  made  an  effort  to 
have  the  boy  committed  as  a  dependent.  Failing  in 
this,  they  had  then  brought  him  into  court  on 
the  charge  that  he  was  "ungovernable"  and  was  "in 
danger  of  becoming  morally  depraved."  In  other 
cases,  the  mother  of  a  child  who  will  not  stir  himself 
to  find  a  job,  or  will  not  hand  over  his  pay  envelope  at 
the  end  of  the  week,  tells  the  judge  to  send  him  up,  as 
she  "has  only  bad  of  him."  In  all  these  cases,  the 
children  have  somehow  or  other  proved  a  burden,  and 
the  parents  utilize  the  court  to  relieve  themselves  of  a 
responsibility  which,  for  a  time,  they  are  unable  to 
meet.  When  these  children  come  of  age,  or  are  suffi- 
ciently disciplined  to  go  to  work,  there  is  generally  an 
application  for  their  release.  The  connection  between 
the  lack  of  earning  power  and  the  commitment  is  an 
obvious  one. 

But  whatever  attitude  the  different  families  took 
toward  the  juvenile  court,  whether  they  were  resent- 
ful, or  apathetic,  or  whether  they  co-operated  with  the 
court  or  used  it  for  their  own  purposes,  it  was  certainly 
true  that  the  more  intelligent  and  disinterested  element 
in  the  district  was  strongly  against  commitment. 
Temporary  improvement  there  may  have  been,  but 
little  if  any  permanent  help  resulted. 

Wherein,  then,  lay  the  weakness  of  the  method  of 
commitment  employed?  First,  let  us  examine  the  his- 
tories of  boys  whose  lives  showed  notable  improvement 
after  the  sentence.     There  were  two  such  boys,  in  par- 

126 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

ticular,  who  had  been  distinctly  "bad"  boys  before 
their  sojourn  in  the  institution. 

Martin  Donnelly  was  one  of  the  "successful"  insti- 
tution cases.  His  mother  "lived  out"  as  a  cook,  and 
he  stayed  with  an  aunt  and  uncle  who  had  no  children 
of  their  own.  His  aunt  said  he  was  "a  merry  little 
grig"  until  about  his  eleventh  year,  when  "he  began  to 
know  too  much."  He  began  to  smoke,  play  truant,  fib, 
and  avoid  his  home.  Entreaties  or  punishment  merely 
made  matters  worse,  and  the  notices  from  school  and 
officers  became  numerous.  Martin  set  his  whole  gang 
as  spies  upon  his  aunt,  stole  out  of  the  back  door  when 
she  had  followed  him  to  school,  and  generally  so  upset 
the  family  that  it  was  an  actual  relief  to  them  when  his 
petty  thieving  finally  landed  him  in  the  Protectory. 
He  stayed  away  for  months,  and  returned  much  sobered 
down.  His  aunt  said  that  he  hardly  spoke  aloud  when 
he  first  returned,  and  that  he  "went  about  so  quiet" 
whereas  he  used  to  "racket  down  the  stairs  as  if  the 
house  was  afire."  Soon  after  his  return  events  proved 
his  friend,  for  his  mother  remarried  and  settled  in  the 
country.  He  was  taken  into  a  new  environment  and 
given  a  steady  job.  Ten  months  later  he  was  still 
faithfully  at  work  and  proud  of  his  weekly  six-dollar 
pay  envelope.  Further  report  said  there  was  not  a 
gang  of  boys  within  a  mile  of  him,  and  that  he  was 
safely  out  of  trouble.  In  this  instance  the  commitment 
made  a  break  in  the  life  with  the  gang,  but  it  was  left  to 
mere  chance  events  to  complete  the  break. 

A  still  more  exceptional  case  was  that  of  Stephen 
Waters.  He  had  been  involved  in  all  kinds  of  trouble 
and  had  a  court  record.  At  the  age  of  thirteen  he  had 
been  arrested  for  burglary  but  had  been  allowed  to  go 

127 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

free.  A  half  year  later  he  had  quit  school  entirely  and 
had  spent  all  his  time  on  the  streets.  Arrested  for  theft 
and  committed  to  the  Catholic  Protectory,  he  had 
escaped  after  three  days  and  it  was  almost  a  year  before 
he  returned  to  finish  his  sentence.  In  spite  of  all  this, 
Stephen  was  not  really  a  vicious  boy.  He  was  merely 
weak  and  feared  a  beating  if  he  did  not  follow  the  gang. 
Upon  his  discharge  from  the  Protectory  he  decided  to 
change  his  life.  He  left  his  family,  took  a  room  on  the 
East  Side,  and  obtained  a  regular  job  driving  an  express 
wagon.  At  the  time  of  our  inquiry  he  had  been  steadily 
at  work  for  a  year. 

These  two  boys,  then,  were  exceptional  cases  in  which 
commitment,  combined  with  other  circumstances,  had 
actually  and  radically  accomplished  its  purpose.  The 
discipline  of  institutional  life  had  been  followed  by  a 
total  separation  from  old  comrades  and  by  steady  work. 
In  both  cases,  fortunate  circumstances  combined  with 
the  effects  of  commitment  produced  happy  results. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  boys  who  return  to  the  old 
streets  and  the  old  gangs  have  not  much  chance  for  pro- 
gressive improvement.  In  the  Doyle  gang,  for  in- 
stance, we  had  eleven  boys  who  had  all  been  serious 
delinquents  and  who  had  been  committed  to  institu- 
tions, some  of  them  many  times  over.  It  is  true  that 
several  of  these  terms  had  been  short,  determinate  ones, 
but  every  one  of  these  boys  had  had  a  longer  commit- 
ment also.  The  leader  of  the  Doyle  gang  came  from 
an  entirely  respectable  family.  The  father,  a  steady 
and  reliable  man,  had  set  a  very  fair  example  of  con- 
duct to  the  boys.  But  Mrs.  Doyle  was  a  "slack" 
mother  at  home  and  shielded  her  boys  continually  from 
any  discipline  from  outside,  including  the  school.     Pro- 

128 


THE    BOY   AND   THE   COURT 

ceeding  on  the  principle  that  "there  has  to  be  a  black 
sheep  in  every  family,"  she  had  achieved  the  distinction 
of  being  the  mother  of  five  of  the  "wildest"  boys  in  the 
neighborhood.  All  five  of  the  Doyle  boys  were  enrolled 
in  "tough"  gangs,  and  even  the  two  youngest  were 
bad  influences  in  the  neighborhood.  Even  six-year-old 
Dennis  one  day  opened  the  school  door,  and,  with  all 
his  childish  strength,  hurled  a  stone  into  the  hall  full 
of  children.  All  of  these  boys  had  a  sophisticated  air 
and  a  certain  hard  look  of  withdrawal  when  in  the 
presence  of  teachers  or  strangers,  or,  indeed,  of  any- 
body outside  the  gang. 

Raymond  Doyle,  the  oldest  of  the  brothers,  was  six- 
teen. He  was  described  by  the  principal  of  the  school 
as  "having  energy  enough  to  supply  ten  boys."  He 
made  cat's-paws  of  those  that  were  weaker  than  he, 
and  domineered  over  even  the  stronger  spirits  of  his 
gang.  In  fact,  he  had  been  one  of  the  very  worst 
influences,  and  responsible  for  a  great  many  lawless 
happenings  in  the  street. 

In  May,  1906,  he  was  arrested  for  robbing  a  grocery 
store,  but  there  was  no  complaint  and  he  was  dis- 
charged. Later  on  in  the  same  year  he  was  arrested 
on  some  unknown  charge,  and  fined  $5.00.  At  this  time 
his  continual  truancy  became  too  serious  to  be  ignored 
and  he  was  committed  to  the  New  York  Truant  School. 
Mrs.  Doyle  resented  this  action  and  immediately  trans- 
ferred the  other  children  from  the  public  school  to  the 
parochial  school. 

Raymond  was  released  from  the  truant  school  in 
1907,  but  was  not  long  out  of  trouble.  He  was  in  com- 
pany with  John  Larrabie  and  the  two  Rafferty  boys 
when    Larrabie   threw   a   brick   and    killed   an   organ 

129 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

grinder.  He  escaped  arrest  for  his  complicity  in  this 
affair,  but  six  months  later  he  was  again  in  court,  this 
time  on  a  charge  of  burglary.  Together  with  two  other 
boys,  he  had  broken  a  pane  of  glass  in  a  stationery  store 
and  had  run  away  with  some  fishing  tackle  and  two 
baseballs.  The  boys  were  put  on  parole  and  later  the 
sentence  was  suspended  for  all  three. 

Ln  the  fall  of  the  same  year,  Raymond  conceived  a 
bold  plan  for  outwitting  the  truant  officer.  He  per- 
suaded George  Riley  to  join  him,  and  together  they 
arranged  a  home  on  one  of  the  tenement  roofs.  Here 
they  lived  for  three  months,  stealing  enough  food  for 
their  needs  or  money  to  buy  it  and  going  down  to  the 
Streets  only  when  necessary.  One  day  in  January, 
when  life  must  have  been  growing  chilly  out  of  doors, 
George  Riley  was  caught  stealing  a  dozen  eggs.  He 
was  taken  down  to  court,  and  sent  to  the  Protectory 
on  his  former  record.  Raymond  was  clever  enough  to 
escape  without  even  an  arrest.  A  year  and  a  half  after 
this  episode,  in  August,  1909,  Raymond  was  again  in 
court,  this  time  on  a  charge  of  petty  larceny.  He  was 
discharged.  Four  months  later  he  was  involved  with 
his  brother  Patrick  and  another  boy  in  a  very  serious 
burglary  and  re-committed  to  an  institution. 

Patrick  Doyle,  his  brother,  had  also  had  a  grave  de- 
linquency history.  It  is  true  that  Patrick  was  not  con- 
sidered an  instinctively  wayward  child  and  might  have 
been  influenced  for  better  at  the  proper  time  and  by 
the  use  of  wise  methods.  But  under  his  brother's  un- 
checked leadership  his  mischievous  tendencies  had  led 
him  into  lawless  ways,  and  the  court's  way  of  dealing 
with  him  did  not  prove  reformative.  At  the  age  of 
nine  he  was  brought  into  the  public  school  by  the  truant 

130 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

officer,  but  the  next  day  he  ran  out  during  the  session 
and  did  not  return.  Toward  the  end  of  that  year,  1908, 
he  was  arrested  for  stealing  bread  from  a  wagon.  Three 
months  later  he  was  caught  with  Matthew  Rooney  in 
the  burglary  of  a  grocery  store,  and  paroled  for  two 
months.  After  one  month  of  this  parole  had  expired 
he  was  caught  again  in  another  burglary  and  committed 
to  the  Catholic  Protectory  for  three  months  on  account 
of  having  violated  his  parole.  Six  months  after  he  had 
been  discharged  from  this  commitment  he  and  his 
brother  Raymond,  and  a  third  member  of  their  gang 
were  caught  stealing  in  an  apartment — the  serious  case 
mentioned  above — and  all  three  were  sent  away  for 
long  terms. 

The  circumstances  of  this  burglary  were  secured  from 
various  sources — the  court  records,  the  newspapers, 
the  school,  and  neighborhood  gossip — all  of  the  ac- 
counts tallying  in  an  unusually  neat  and  accurate  way. 
Raymond  and  Patrick  Doyle  took  Charlie  Muller  in 
tow  and  broke  into  a  neighbor's  apartment  in  search 
of  anything  that  could  be  readily  converted  into  money. 
They  found  a  trunk  standing  in  a  corner  and  turned 
the  contents  upside  down  upon  the  floor.  From  the 
pile  they  selected  a  few  articles  of  underwear  and  a 
watch.  They  took  a  gun  that  was  lying  on  a  chair 
and  snatched  up  a  canary  bird  in  its  cage.  As  they 
turned  to  go,  they  were  confronted  by  the  older  son 
of  the  family,  who  had  returned  from  work  and  was 
standing  in  the  doorway.  One  of  the  boys,  this  young 
man  declared,  "pulled  a  knife  for  him,"  so  that  he  "ran 
for  his  life."  On  the  corner  of  the  street  he  found  a 
policeman,  who  took  his  address  and  promised  to  send 
a  detective.     Meanwhile  the  boys  came  out  of  his  house 

131 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

and  went  to  a  restaurant,  where  they  were  subsequently 
taken  in  charge  by  the  detective.  The  judge  sen- 
tenced two  of  the  boys  to  the  House  of  Refuge  and  one 
to  the  Protectory,  each  for  fifteen  months.  Raymond, 
after  his  discharge,  refused  to  work  and  spent  his  time 
loafing  at  his  usual  "hang-outs." 

The  attitude  of  the  neighbor  whose  apartment  had 
been  entered  was  significant.  The  older  son,  Samuel, 
who  had  arrived  at  the  climax  and  intercepted  the 
gang,  was  very  vindictive.  He  appeared  in  the  chil- 
dren's court  as  complainant  and  did  all  in  his  power  to 
secure  the  three  convictions.  On  the  other  hand,  Sam- 
uel's brother  and  sister  wished  to  hush  the  matter  up 
or,  at  least,  to  keep  it  out  of  court.  "All  boys  will  be 
wild  and  these  are  little  things  and  mean  nothing. 
They  just  wanted  nickels  for  moving  pictures."  Rea- 
soning in  this  way,  according  to  the  easy-going  stan- 
dards of  the  neighborhood,  they  tried  to  dissuade 
Samuel  from  going  to  court  and  appearing  against  the 
boys. 

Charles  Muller,  who  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Refuge 
with  Patrick  Doyle,  came  from  a  respectable  home. 
His  father  had  been  dead  for  many  years  and  the  family 
income  consisted  of  the  wages  of  his  mother  and  older 
sisters.  Before  the  girls  had  become  old  enough  to  earn 
the  family  has  passed  through  a  period  of  the  direst 
poverty.  Charlie  was  not  an  ungovernable  lad.  On 
the  contrary,  he  had  a  weak  and  sullen  disposition  and 
was  often  used  as  a  tool  by  his  comrades.  His  first 
arrest  was  for  playing  craps  in  the  street,  and  he  was 
put  on  what  his  mother  called  "patrole."  A  son-in- 
law  went  down  to  court  and  "  paid  $5.00  to  a  red-headed 
lawyer  fellow  who  said  he  could  get  him  off,  and  did 

132 


THE    BOY    AND   THE   COURT 

so."  Some  time  later  he  stayed  away  from  school  for 
seven  weeks  without  his  family's  knowledge,  always 
coming  in  regularly  at  lunch  time  and  pretending  to  go 
back  to  classes.  At  this  time  his  mother  had  a  stroke 
of  paralysis,  and  he  took  advantage  of  her  lameness  to 
disregard  the  previous  rules  about  bedtime,  meals,  and 
so  on.  He  was  arrested  again,  and  this  time  it  was 
the  daughter  who  paid  the  lawyer  $5.00.  In  the 
last  arrest,  for  the  apartment  burglary,  the  family 
refused  to  re-engage  this  man,  and,  according  to  Mrs. 
Muller's  vehement  declaration,  "every  boy  in  court  that 
day  was  sent  away  for  fifteen  months,  Charles  among 
the  rest." 

Joseph  McG ratty  was  another  of  the  Doyle  gang  who 
was  first  arrested  at  the  age  of  nine.  The  McGratty 
family  was  supported  by  the  father,  who  was  a  street- 
cleaner,  and  by  an  older  son  who  was  a  jockey. 
Joseph's  irregularities  began  with  truancy  and  his  first 
arrest  was  for  petty  larceny.  On  this  occasion  he  was 
discharged.  Shortly  afterward  he  applied  for  a  trans- 
fer from  his  school  on  the  ground  that  his  family  were 
moving  to  a  certain  address  in  West  Twenty-sixth 
Street.  The  story  of  the  moving  was  entirely  untrue, 
and  Joseph  never  presented  his  transfer  at  any  other 
school.  The  school  has  since  learned  that  the  Mc- 
Grattys  were  still  living  at  their  old  address,  but  it  has 
never  been  able  to  lay  hands  upon  Joseph  by  any 
means  in  its  power  and  force  him  to  attend.  He  has 
been  arrested  for  stone  throwing,  for  theft,  for  larceny 
of  an  automatic  clock  in  company  with  the  notorious 
Rafferty  boys,  and  twice  for  burglary,  the  first  time  in 
company  with  the  brother  of  the  gang  leader.  His  last 
arrest  sent  him  to  the  Catholic  Protectory. 

133 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

John  Larrabie,  who  killed  an  organ  grinder,  was  no 
worse  than  several  of  his  gang.  His  family  was  de- 
graded and  desperately  poor.  The  father  drank  and 
the  mother  was  given  to  loud-voiced  harangues  and  to 
calling  maledictions  down  upon  neighbors  who  dis- 
pleased her.  John  came  to  school  ugly-tempered  and 
resentful.  At  a  rebuke  from  his  teacher  he  attempted 
to  jump  out  of  the  window.  One  day  as  he  stood  on  a 
roof  with  Raymond  Doyle  and  the  two  Rafferty  boys, 
the  quartette  spied  in  the  street  below  a  couple  of 
Italian  organ  grinders  with  whom  they  were  carrying 
on  a  feud.  Loose  bricks  were  at  hand  for  missiles  and 
in  an  instant  John  Larrabie  had  thrown  one  at  the 
"ginnies."  The  boys  saw  one  of  the  men  drop  in  the 
street — the  victim  died,  in  fact,  only  a  few  minutes 
later — and  two  of  them  escaped  across  the  roofs.  The 
other  two,  Larrabie  and  Joe  Rafferty,  were  caught  and 
taken  to  court  on  a  charge  of  felonious  assault.  They 
were  remanded  for  four  days  and  then  discharged  to  the 
coroner.  The  court  records  show  that  John  Larrabie 
was  rearrested  at  the  coroner's  for  manslaughter,  that 
his  guilt  was  patent,  but  that  no  complaint  was  taken. 
Four  months  later  he  was  committed  to  the  Catholic 
Protectory,  at  his  father's  instance,  as  an  ungovernable 
child,  his  father  being  ordered  to  pay  $2.00  a  week 
toward  his  support  in  the  institution. 

The  brothers  Riemer,  Henry  and  Alexander,  were 
two  of  the  "wildest"  boys  of  this  gang.  Both  were 
incorrigible  truants.  They  were  arrested  in  Novem- 
ber, 1906,  for  stealing  coal  from  a  neighbor's  cellar  and 
were  paroled.  In  February,  1907,  Alexander  was  sent 
to  the  Protectory  for  three  months  for  stealing  a  chicken 
from  the  Washington  Market.     Four  months  after  his 

134 


THE    BOY    AND   THE    COURT 

discharge  he  was  re-committed  for  nearly  a  year's  term. 
Shortly  after  this,  in  April,  1909,  he  was  arrested  for 
stone  throwing,  fined  $1.00,  and  imprisoned  one  day. 
In  November  he  was  arrested  for  assaulting  another 
boy.    As  he  had  been  away  from  home  four  days,  and 
from  school  a  week,  and  had  been  involved  in  the  theft 
of  a  pair  of  gloves,  and  also  because  his  mother  recom- 
mended commitment,  he  was  sent  to  the  Protectory  for 
a  third  term.     He  was  not  discharged  until  of  working 
age,  when  the  family  secured  him  a  job  directly  under 
his  father's  supervision.     Henry  Riemer  was  arrested 
several  times  with  his  brother,  and  also  twice  for  theft, 
once  for  striking  a  boy  over  the  head  with  a  pistol,  and 
once  for  injuring  property.     He  saved  himself  from  a 
commitment  in  one  affair,  a  glove  robbery,  by  inform- 
ing on  Harry  Rafferty  and  sending  the  latter  to  the 
Protectory  on  his  evidence.     He  himself  had  had  two 
terms  there,  and  was  still  under  commitment  up  to  date. 
The  report  of  this  extraordinary  gang  can  fitly  be 
ended  by  a  description  of  two  of  its  most  conspicuous 
members,  Joe  and  Harry  Rafferty.    Their  home  was 
the  scene  of  continuous   brawling.     The  floors  were 
littered  with  broken  crockery,  with  ham  bones,  and 
glass — with  anything  that  could  be  used  as  missiles. 
The  father  and  mother  were  drunkards,  although  both 
had  taken  the  pledge  at  times  to  obtain  charitable 
relief.    After  the  father's  death  from  typhoid  the  con- 
ditions grew  still  more  serious.     Joe  "beat  up"  his 
mother  cruelly  whenever  there  had  been  beer  in  the 
house,  and  Mrs.  Rafferty  at  last  deserted  her  family 
for  several  months  in  order  to  go  and  live  on  a  sympa- 
thetic neighbor,  leaving  the  small  children  to  shift  for 
themselves.     When  she  returned  home  it  was  to  bring 

135 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

back  a  "boarder"  with  whom  she  lived  in  immoral 
relations. 

The  records  of  the  Rafferty  boys  were,  of  course, 
very  bad.  Joe  was  taken  to  the  court  with  John  Lar- 
rabie  at  the  time  of  the  killing  of  the  Italian  organ 
grinder.  The  neighborhood  reported  that  Joe,  who 
was  over  sixteen,  "saved  his  own  skin  by  turning 
state's  evidence."  The  fact  that  there  was  no  record 
of  Joe  Rafferty  in  the  court  history  of  the  case  does  not 
necessarily  contradict  this  statement.  Certain  it  is 
that  he  was  credited  with  having  "snitched"  by  the 
neighborhood  and  also  by  the  rest  of  his  gang.  The 
boy  fully  believed  that  the  latter  intended  to  "do  him 
up"  and  that  his  only  chance  for  safety  was  to  leave 
the  city. 

Harry  Rafferty's  teacher  described  him  as  "a  little 
dock  rat  who  is  usually  dressed  in  rags  and  with  the 
skin  of  his  face  half  torn  off  because  of  his  many  fights." 
He  had  always  been  a  bad  truant.  In  1908  he  was 
arrested  twice,  once  for  stealing  boards  from  a  wagon, 
and  once  for  stealing  two  loaves  of  bread.  In  April, 
1909,  he  and  Matthew  Rooney,  mentioned  above  as 
an  associate  of  Patrick  Doyle  in  thieving,  ran  off  with 
a  clock  stolen  out  of  a  waiting  automobile.  Harry  was 
committed  to  the  Catholic  Protectory  for  three  months. 
In  July  he  was  discharged,  and  in  November  he  was  re- 
committed for  stealing  a  pair  of  gloves  with  Henry  and 
Alexander  Riemer.  This  second  commitment  was  also 
for  a  short  term,  and  soon  after  his  release  he  was  once 
more  in  court  on  a  minor  charge.  In  October  he  was 
sent  to  the  Protectory  for  his  third  term 

In  the  face  of  these  facts  it  was  astonishing  to  find 
that  these  boys  were  not  completely  ruined;   that,  in- 

.36 


THE    BOY    AND   THE   COURT 

deed,  there  was  something  distinctly  worth  while  in 
both  Joe  and  Harry.  Of  course,  their  records  were  very 
bad,  and  both  were  growing  less  sensitive  to  moral  con- 
trol with  the  years.  But  Joe  had  an  instinct  of  family 
loyalty  and  had  struggled  hard  to  keep  his  brothers  and 
sisters  together.  He  had  visited  and  written  them 
when  they  were  sent  away  to  institutions,  and  had 
turned  up  promptly  to  take  charge  of  them  on  the  day 
of  their  release.  This  affection  and  protective  instinct 
had  been  his  only  anchor,  and  the  necessary  breaking 
up  of  the  family,  consequent  on  the  mother's  immo- 
rality, had  promised  to  deprive  him  of  his  last  motive 
to  reform. 

The  Rafferty  family  was  one  in  which  vice,  drunken- 
ness, and  squalor  had  combined  to  misshape  the  lives 
of  the  children.  The  law  should  have  proved  the  sal- 
vation of  the  good  qualities  that  in  some  miraculous 
way  still  existed  in  that  atmosphere.  It  is  obvious, 
however,  that  the  law's  method  in  such  extreme  cases 
— the  frequent  commitment — had  failed  to  change  the 
conduct  of  these  boys  and  to  accomplish  any  reforma- 
tion in  their  lives. 

Commitment  ought  to  induce  a  radical  alteration  of 
life.  But  in  many  of  our  cases  the  commitments  merely 
proved  interludes  in  wrongdoing.  Even  a  temporary 
improvement  after  discharge  was  not  met  with;  the 
dates  of  the  subsequent  offenses  followed  closely  upon 
liberation.  In  the  face  of  such  records  a  comparatively 
short  commitment,  followed  by  the  return  of  the  boy 
to  the  same  neighborhood  without  any  official  supervi- 
sion and  guidance,  seems  futile  indeed.  The  histories 
recorded  here  indicate  clearly  that  with  few  exceptions 

«37 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

neither  boy  nor  family  nor  community  had  been  bene- 
fited by  the  action  of  the  court. 

It  must  be  conceded  that  this  district  is  exceptionally 
lawless  and  gang-ridden  and  that  the  gang  which  we 
have  described  was  one  of  the  worst  in  the  whole  neigh- 
borhood. But  what  is  here  presented  is  not  a  study  of 
average  results  of  commitments  in  average  cases.  Such 
a  study  would  have  necessitated  establishing  close  co- 
operation with  the  institutions,  in  order  to  follow  up 
those  children  who  had  not  returned  to  their  old  en- 
vironment at  all  after  commitment,  but  had  been  placed 
out  in  employment,  or  adopted  into  new  homes.  It  is 
from  among  these  children  that  the  institutions  claim 
the  greatest  number  of  their  successes,  and  it  would  have 
been  necessary  to  include  them  if  a  presentation  of  the 
whole  problem  had  been  attempted. 

On  the  other  hand,  since  commitment  is  conceded  to 
be  an  extreme  method  of  dealing  with  extreme  situa- 
tions, our  examination  and  our  conclusions  seem  all  the 
more  pertinent.  To  examine  the  results  in  the  most 
extreme  cases  seems  to  be  a  perfectly  fair  way  of  testing 
the  working  of  the  system.  If  a  method  particularly 
planned  for  helping  the  worst  cases  of  delinquency  does 
not  help  them,  we  must  question  the  use  of  the  method 
in  these  cases,  at  least,  and  ask  what  we  should  substi- 
tute for  it. 

V.    SUMMARY 

Reviewing  our  study  of  the  three  groups  of  boys  de- 
scribed in  the  preceding  sections — the  boy  who  is  let 
go,  the  boy  who  is  paroled  in  the  custody  of  his  parents, 
and  the  boy  that  gets  sent  up — we  find  that  the  im- 
pression made  by  the  court  was  rarely  a  permanent  one. 

138 


THE    BOY   AND   THE   COURT 

One  after  the  other  we  have  seen  how  the  typical  boy 
of  each  group  passes  through  the  hands  of  the  court 
and  returns  to  his  West  Side  environment  scarcely 
changed  by  his  experience.  For  the  boy  who  is  let  go, 
it  means  but  a  ripple  in  his  life.  The  court  again  goes 
further  and  "paroles"  him.  At  the  end,  he  is  still  the 
same  boy.  The  most  drastic  treatment  of  all,  commit- 
ment to  an  institution  for  a  definite  short  term  usually 
fails  to  remake  the  character  of  a  boy  who  has  been  sub- 
jected both  before  and  after  his  sojourn  in  the  institu- 
tion to  the  full  force  of  the  neighborhood  influences. 
When  a  boy  is  so  difficult  to  manage  that  commitment 
becomes  the  only  adequate  remedy,  the  term  should  be 
indefinite  so  that  release  may  depend  on  education, 
behavior  and  development  of  character.  And  release 
should  be  followed  by  supervision  by  a  representative 
of  the  court  or  of  the  institution  until  the  boy  shows 
that  he  can  stand  morally  without  such  assistance. 

A  well  organized  official  probation  staff  without  doubt 
furnishes  the  most  effective  method  for  dealing  with 
most  of  these  cases.  This  applies  to  all  three  classes 
described  in  the  preceding  sections — the  boy  who  is  let 
go,  the  boy  who  is  paroled  in  the  custody  of  his  parents, 
and  the  boy  that  gets  sent  up.  The  use  of  official  pro- 
bation does  not  necessarily  exclude  volunteer  probation, 
but  it  should  make  possible  careful  supervision  and  co- 
ordination of  volunteer  work  under  the  court. 

Our  study  points  out  the  necessity  of  recognizing  both 
the  family  unit  and  the  neighborhood  unit  in  handling 
cases.  In  order  to  do  efficient  probation  work,  the  in- 
vestigator must  be  familiar  with  local  conditions.  He 
needs  to  know,  on  the  one  hand,  all  the  influences  which 
have  helped  to  make  the  boy  what  he  is,  and,  on  the 

139 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

other  hand,  the  neighborhood  agencies  which  are  fa- 
miliar with  his  individual  and  family  history,  and  may 
be  enlisted  in  reforming  him. 

A  thorough  physical  and  mental  examination  is  nec- 
essary in  many  cases  before  the  court  can  proceed  in- 
telligently in  its  treatment.*  A  fundamental  need  also 
in  the  treatment  of  juvenile  delinquency  is  the  con- 
ferring of  equity  powers  on  the  court,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  hindrances  of  purely  criminal  trials  and  to 
reach  the  child  and  his  family  more  directly. 

Finally,  we  must  not  forget,  in  considering  the  darker 
aspects  of  the  extreme  cases  presented  in  the  section  on 
commitments,  that  all  delinquent  boys  are  not  of  that 
type.  As  a  rule,  the  boy  delinquent  stands  out  among 
the  ranks  of  mishandled  West  Side  youngsters  only  as 
one  of  them  who  has  had  the  misfortune  to  be  appre- 
hended where  others  equally  guilty  have  escaped;  in 
most  cases  he  does  not  differ  in  any  great  degree  from 
his  mates.  Viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  the  district 
and  in  the  light  of  what  we  know  of  its  manner  of  life, 
juvenile  delinquency  is  seen  to  be  largely  the  product 
of  conditions  dangerous  to  youth  in  the  homes  and  on 
the  streets.  To  deal  with  the  boy  only  after  he  has  com- 
mitted a  crime  is  to  deal  with  the  product  and  not  at 
all  with  the  source  of  his  offending;  to  allow  him  to 
return  to  his  old  surroundings  without  official  super- 
vision and  control  is,  except  in  rare  instances,  a  futile 
expedient. 

*  In  19 1 3  a  law  was  enacted  for  the  appointment  of  three  physi- 
cians to  examine  children  for  mental  defectiveness.  As  the  Civil 
Service  Commission  refused  to  declare  the  positions  exempt,  however, 
no  appointments  were  made;  but  an  examination  will  undoubtedly 
be  held  to  make  up  a  list  of  physicians  from  which  these  offices  may 
be  filled.  In  the  meantime  the  children's  court  judge  sends  many 
children  to  the  clinic  conducted  by  Dr.  Max  Schlapp  in  connection 
with  the  Post-Graduate  Hospital. 

140 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

IN  studying  the  boy  of  the  Middle  West  Side  we  are 
studying  the  future  as  well  as  the  present  of  his 
district;  and  in  gathering  together  for  a  composite 
picture  his  various  traits  which  have  already  been  noted, 
it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  refer  once  more  to  certain 
neighborhood  characteristics  which  he  reflects  as  well 
as  to  some  aspects  of  his  life  and  environment  which 
have  not  as  yet  been  illustrated.  In  this  volume  we 
wish  mainly  to  present  the  boy  as  he  is  today,  not  to 
suggest  the  method  of  his  regeneration.  But  an  at- 
tempt to  account  for  his  peculiarities  naturally  results 
in  deductions  which  may  seem  to  argue  a  basis  for  some 
definite  plan  of  reform;  and  with  an  increasing  intimacy 
with  West  Side  conditions  it  becomes  more  and  more 
difficult  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  many  of  his  vices 
are  forced  upon  him  by  circumstances  so  strong  as  to 
be  almost  unavoidable. 

Stealing,  for  instance,  the  theft  of  anything,  but  espe- 
cially of  coal  and  wood,  is,  as  we  have  seen,  encouraged; 
it  is  looked  upon  absolutely  as  a  matter  of  course. 
The  boy  is  brought  up  to  consider  it  part  of  the  daily 
routine;*  the  winter  cold  drives  home  his  family's  need 
for  heat,  yet  the  family  income  is  too  slender  to  allow 
the  purchase  of  coal.  His  mother  sends  him  out  to  get 
fuel,  and  he  knows  that  somehow  he  must  find  it.  The 
*  See  also  Anthony,  Katharine:  Mothers  Who  Must  Earn,  p.  9. 
141 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

line  of  least  resistance  is  worn  smooth  in  his  neighbor- 
hood, and  it  is  natural  and  easy  to  fall  in  with  the  par- 
ental fiction  that  the  fuel  which  reaches  the  tenement 
has  miraculously  dropped  from  heaven. 

This  fiction  does  not  apply,  however,  to  the  more 
general  "swipin"'  or  "crookin"'  which  consists  in  steal- 
ing on  the  spur  of  the  moment  any  unconsidered  trifles 
which  may  be  lying  around.  Usually  things  so  stolen 
are  small  and  of  little  value.  Boys  start  out  on 
"crookin"'  expeditions,  taking  anything  edible  or 
vendible  that  they  can  lay  hands  on;  and  in  this  they 
have  the  example  of  older  fellows,  even  married  men, 
who  will  steal  in  a  desultory  way  whenever  they  have 
the  chance.  "  Every  time  I  get  a  vacant  house,"  said  a 
wrathful  real  estate  agent  one  day,  "it  means  that  I've 
got  to  put  in  new  lead  pipes,  or  new  faucets,  or  new 
gas  fixtures,  or  perhaps  all  of  them.  The  damned  crooks 
of  the  neighborhood,  young  and  old,  break  in  and  rip 
them  out  to  sell."  And  a  certain  settlement  had  the 
same  experience.  When  it  was  first  opened  practically 
every  removable  thing  in  the  house  disappeared,  in- 
cluding even  the  necessaries  for  meals. 

Here  again,  though  such  thefts  are  far  less  excusable, 
the  boys  have  a  definite  point  of  view.  They  are  quite 
non-moral  and  have  never  learned  to  consider  the  ques- 
tion of  property.  Their  code  is  the  primitive  code  of 
might  and  they  look  upon  their  booty  as  theirs  by  right 
of  conquest.  Further,  the  very  pressure  of  poverty  is 
an  incentive  to  stealing  for  various  ends.  They  are 
cigarette  fiends — they  must  have  cigarettes.  They 
are  hungry;  they  crave  amusement,  and  "the  movin' 
pictures"  mean  a  nickel.  All  these  things  cost  money, 
and  when  one  is  penniless  and  knows  no  moral  code  and 

142 


Carrying  Loot  From  a  Vacant  Blilding 


Closed  by  the  Gangs 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

sees  one's  elders  acknowledging  none,  the  temptation  to 
adopt  the  tactics  of  the  thief  and  the  thug  becomes 
almost  irresistible. 

Much  that  these  boys  think  and  do  is  the  direct  result 
of  their  natural  propensity  to  imitate,  combined  with  the 
fact  that  they  have  never  been  taught  the  difference 
between  childhood  and  manhood.  Thus  they  learn  to 
fight,  to  smoke,  to  drink  as  their  elders  do.  Fist  fights 
in  the  street  are  of  the  most  common  occurrence, 
particularly  among  the  young  men  from  sixteen  to 
twenty  years  of  age.  To  "go  down  to  the  docks  and 
fight  it  out"  is  one  method  of  settling  all  disputes, 
whether  of  politics,  love,  or  personal  appearance. 
Homeric  tales  are  related  of  some  of  these  combats. 
A  youth  of  eighteen  demands  of  a  bigger  man  an  apology 
for  an  alleged  insult  to  the  former's  sister.  The  two  go 
behind  a  sandpile  on  the  docks,  where  in  the  presence 
of  a  large  group  of  witnesses  they  fight  fiercely  for  several 
hours  until  both  are  exhausted.  Gang  fights,  as  we  have 
said,  are  frequently  settled  by  a  personal  fight  between 
two  leaders.  These  fights  sometimes  end  in  one  or  both 
of  the  combatants  being  maimed,  and,  with  the  rougher 
element,  occasionally  in  murder. 

The  seriousness  of  a  fight  between  older  men  in  this 
neighborhood  is  recognized,  and  ordinarily  every  effort 
is  made  to  separate  the  fighters  before  they  become 
committed  to  fight  to  the  finish.  If  a  man  is  defeated 
by  the  fists  of  his  opponent,  he  will  seize  a  club,  a  bottle, 
a  paving  stone,  or  a  revolver,  if  he  can  get  one,  and  con- 
tinue the  fight  with  this  advantage.  Very  frequently 
a  street  fight  between  two  men  results  in  a  feud  which 
will  be  carried  on  from  day  to  day,  until  one  or  the  other 
is  permanently  disabled. 

143 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

Often  these  feuds  result  in  the  destruction  of  property, 
which  is  here  an  accepted  way  of  "getting  even." 
Tenants  who  are  evicted  are  not  unlikely  by  way  of 
revenge  to  do  as  much  damage  as  they  can  to  the  apart- 
ment before  leaving.  If  one  club  is  at  war  with  another, 
it  is  expected  that  the  stronger  will  invade  the  premises 
of  the  weaker  and  smash  up  furniture  and  furnishings. 
Revenge  in  this  district  is  wreaked  primarily  upon  per- 
son; failing  that,  upon  property.  And  this  latter  custom 
has  become  so  prevalent  and  so  much  developed  that 
much  damage  is  done  from  pure  maliciousness  and  from 
wanton  joy  of  breaking  and  destroying.  "Scenery 
Burned  by  Vandals"  runs  a  recent  newspaper  headline.* 

Vandals  destroyed  three  truckloads  of  scenery 
stored  last  night  on  "The  Farm,"  in  Twelfth  Avenue 
between  Thirty-fifth  and  Thirty-sixth  Streets.  .  .  . 

Shortly  after  1 1  o'clock  last  night  the  first  truck 
was  set  afire.  The  scenery  was  covered  with  canvas, 
and  when  the  firemen  arrived  it  was  a  total  wreck. 
Three  hours  later  the  other  two  trucks  were  set  afire. 
The  trucks  also  were  burned,  and  the  total  loss  was 
estimated  at  $7,000. 

Such  outrages  are  quite  common.  They  are  merely  a 
development  of  the  method  employed  by  West  Side 
toughs  for  "getting  a  come-back";  merely  a  warning  of 
the  fact  that  the  district  owns  to  no  law  but  the  law  of 
the  Texan  or  Corsican  Vendetta.  Does  someone  habitu- 
ally steal  clothes  from  the  wash-line?  Then  the  husband 
"lays  for"  him  with  a  club.  Does  some  man  or  boy 
strike  a  boy  on  the  street?  The  mother,  or  father,  or 
big  brother  goes  down  to  "get  even."  Fear  and  gang 
ethics  forbid  the  giving  of  information,  and  the  whole 
neighborhood  is  saturated  with  treachery  and  suspicion. 

*New  York  Evening  Mail,  April  28,  191 1. 
I44 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

With  examples  of  this  kind  all  around  him,  what 
wonder  that  the  boy  fights  often  and  recklessly;  that  he 
turns  naturally  to  violence;  and  that  his  combats,  singly 
or  in  gangs,  make  no  demands  on  the  spirit  of  fair 
play? 

With  regard  to  smoking,  the  little  West  Sider's  in- 
dulgence is  entirely  unrestrained.  On  the  streets,  with 
his  gang,  and  often  in  his  home,  he  smokes  incessantly 
from  about  the  time  that  he  is  six  years  old;  though,  of 
course,  to  a  stranger  or  a  settlement  worker  he  will 
deny  that  he  has  ever  touched  a  cigarette.  A  boy's 
club  in  the  neighborhood  recently  insisted  that  its 
members  be  allowed  to  smoke  during  club  meetings. 
All  of  them  said  that  they  smoked  at  home  and  with 
their  parents'  full  knowledge.  These  were  boys  ranging 
from  ten  to  fourteen  years  of  age.  In  another  club,  a 
boy  of  thirteen  said  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  re- 
frain from  smoking  more  than  half  an  hour  at  a  time 
when  he  was  out  of  school.  Other  boys  sided  with  him, 
saying  that  they  simply  had  to  smoke.  By  a  vote  of  the 
club,  however,  smoking  was  abolished  during  club  meet- 
ings. After  that,  this  boy  went  to  the  roof  or  hallway 
to  smoke  at  intervals  during  the  session  of  the  club.  His 
was  not  an  extreme  case,  although  he  smoked  to  greater 
excess  than  most  of  the  boys.  And  in  another  club, 
which  was  formed  away  from  settlement  influence,  it 
was  found  practically  impossible  to  keep  the  majority  of 
the  boys  from  smoking.  They  were  willing  enough  to 
vote  to  abolish  it,  but  were  unable  to  adhere  to  the  prin- 
ciple which  they  themselves  had  established.  A  few 
parents  objected  on  principle  to  their  boys'  smoking, 
but  they  had  not  the  power  or  opportunity  of  prevent- 
ing it.     So  the  cigarette  habit  is  added  to  the  boy's 

145 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

vices,  and  the  stunted,  anemic  cigarette  fiend  is  a  fre- 
quent figure  on  these  streets. 

In  the  same  way  drinking  and  intoxication  come  quite 
naturally  into  his  life.  Beer  is  a  great  dinner  and 
supper  staple  in  the  tenements,  and  every  day  sees  a 
long  procession  of  women,  girls,  and  boys,  filing  with  tin 
pails  to  the  saloon  for  the  evening  drink.  Most  of  the 
girls  make  for  the  "  Family  Entrance,"  though  many  go 
unblushingly  through  the  screen  door  to  the  main  saloon 
and  come  out  a  moment  later  with  a  foaming  pail  of 
beer.  Others, — and  this  is  particularly  characteristic 
of  the  smaller  girls, — ask  some  lounging  male  of  their 
acquaintance  to  go  in  and  get  the  beer  for  them.  The 
deputy  usually  rewards  himself  by  a  long  pull  from  the 
pail  before  he  comes  out  of  the  saloon.  It  is  astonishing, 
however,  how  large  a  number  even  of  little  girls  and  boys 
ten  years  old  or  less,  walk  boldly  out  of  the  front  door 
with  their  pails.  Almost  every  saloon  has  also  its  line 
of  ragged  urchins,  crouched  on  their  hands  and  knees  on 
the  stone  doorstep,  peering  under  the  screen  at  the 
crowd  within.  Occasionally,  on  gala  Saturday  nights,  a 
group  of  men  will  hold  what  is  known  as  a  "  beer  racket." 
Each  one  contributes  a  sum  of  money,  fifty  cents,  a 
dollar,  or  sometimes  more,  to  a  saloon  keeper,  who 
agrees  to  furnish  all  the  beer  they  can  drink.  The  party 
then  retires  to  a  convenient  neighborhood  roof,  and 
keg  after  keg  is  sent  up  until  the  last  drinker  has  suc- 
cumbed. Usually  one  or  more  boys  may  be  found  with 
the  group,  overcome  with  drink. 

Little  attention  is  paid  by  the  neighborhood  to  drunk- 
enness, and  among  the  boys  themselves  it  is  regarded  as 
rather  a  joke  for  one  of  their  number  to  become  intoxi- 
cated.    The  worst  feature  of  intemperance  here  is,  in- 

146 


hi.  1*4 — «j 


mnp 


* 


Dt  Witt  Clinton   Park 
The  only  city  playground  on  a  bright  Saturday  afternoon 


A  Favorite   Playground 
The  beer  pail  is  frequently  refilled   during  the  game 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

deed,  not  the  occasional  appearance  of  a  boy  intoxicated 
but  the  indifference  with  which  the  adults  treat  such  a 
spectacle.  At  the  last  annual  outing  of  the  Tammany 
leaders  in  this  district  a  score  or  more  of  unaccompanied 
boys,  from  ten  to  fourteen  years  old,  managed  by  hook 
or  crook  to  join  the  excursion  party,  which  counted 
among  its  numbers  many  well  known  and  responsible 
business  men  of  the  neighborhood.  From  the  time  the 
excursion  boat  left  the  landing  to  the  time  it  discharged 
its  passengers,  on  both  incoming  and  outgoing  trips, 
the  excursionists  were  drenched  in  a  torrent  of  free  beer. 
Kegs  were  tapped  a  dozen  at  a  time,  and  in  pails,  in 
glasses,  in  trayloads  of  "  schooners,"  it  was  rushed  to  the 
upper  decks  so  fast  that  it  sometimes  went  a-begging 
even  among  the  hundreds  of  thirsty  West  Siders. 
Naturally,  the  small  boys  got  hold  of  it,  and  on  the  way 
home  a  group  of  them  with  a  gang  of  immature  youths 
scarcely  beyond  boyhood  themselves,  sequestered  a 
couple  of  kegs  in  a  nook  on  the  after  spar  deck  and 
actually  emptied  both  kegs.  When  the  boat  landed 
several  of  them  plainly  showed  the  effects  of  their 
revel,  and  one  boy  of  fourteen  was  helped  ashore  by  his 
laughing  playmates,  his  legs  reeling,  his  head  rolling 
from  side  to  side,  and  his  eyes  staring  with  the  dull 
vacuity  of  drunkenness.  Among  the  men,  hundreds  of 
whom  saw  this  sight,  not  a  voice  was  raised  in  protest; 
some  laughed;  some  scolded  the  boys  for  their  intemper- 
ance; most  watched  with  cynical  indifference,  as  though 
this  were  to  be  expected. 

Thus  it  is  seen  that  all  these  vices — drinking,  smoking, 
ruffianism — come  very  naturally  to  the  West  Side  boy. 
Even  if  he  realizes  them  for  what  they  are,  he  is  ill- 
fitted  to  resist  them.     He  sees  them  all  around  him 

147 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

from  infancy;  and,  boylike,  he  makes  them  his  own 
through  imitation. 

Another  of  the  many  ways  in  which  this  versatile 
youngster  amuses  himself  is  by  playing  truant. 

The  equipment  of  the  typical  boy  of  the  Middle  West 
Side  when  he  is  first  sent  to  school  is  pitiable.  Excessive 
cigarette  smoking,  the  wrangling  atmosphere  of  the 
home,  the  excitement  of  the  street,  have  sapped  his 
nervous  power.  He  is  restless,  easily  reduced  to  sulki- 
ness,  and  exceedingly  hard  to  interest.  The  varied 
excitement  of  the  streets,  combined  with  the  inevitable 
cigarette,  has  lost  to  him  all  power  of  continued  thought 
or  concentration.  School  itself,  like  the  boy,  has  little 
chance.  Perhaps  it  is  lacking  in  anything  which  makes 
a  vital  appeal  to  his  nature,  but  from  the  first  it  is  handi- 
capped. Not  only  is  the  lure  of  the  streets  tremendous, 
but  the  bewildered  school  teacher  is  presented  with  a 
child  who  has  been  born  into  ignorance  and  inexpan- 
sibility,  reared  in  an  atmosphere  of  discord  and  vice, 
and  given  every  chance  of  acquiring  disastrous  physical 
and  moral  habits,  before  ever  he  reached  the  class  room; 
and  the  problem  that  confronts  the  teacher  is  not  that 
of  building  up  a  character  but  of  making  over  one  that 
is  already  seriously  deformed. 

The  sources  of  the  truancy  habit  are  undoubtedly  to 
be  traced  in  the  boy's  first  acquaintance  as  an  infant 
with  the  streets.  As  we  have  seen,  he  is  familiar  from 
babyhood  with  the  bustle  and  confusion  of  street  life 
and  his  first  pleasurable  experiences  are  associated  with 
it.  The  atmosphere  of  the  street,  its  scenes  and  sounds, 
permeate  the  child's  whole  existence  and  fasten  upon 
him  the  shackles  of  habit.  After  a  year  or  two  of  more 
or  less  complete  subjection  of  his  budding  mind  to  this 

148 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

influence,  the  child  is  expected  to  exchange  without 
protest  the  thrilling,  lawless  streets  for  the  orderly 
commonplace  of  the  school  room.  Of  course  he  is 
attracted  by  the  novelty  of  the  latter  for  a  time,  but 
after  that  he  feels  the  strain  of  two  conflicting  in- 
fluences— the  lure  of  the  street  and  the  instinct  of  obe- 
dience to  authority.  If  he  wishes  to  yield  to  the  street, 
he  has  the  traditions  of  generations  of  truants  and  any 
number  of  conniving  playmates  to  aid  him  to  escape. 
And  here  we  have  the  beginnings  of  the  "delinquency" 
which  almost  inevitably  sooner  or  later  leads  him  to  the 
juvenile  court.* 

Here  is  the  confession  of  a  ten-year-old  truant,  which 
is  typical  of  school  life  in  the  district: 

"  I  used  to  go  to  the  Fifty-second  Street  school  with 
Jimmie,  but  they  made  me  change  to  Forty-eighth 
Street  because  I  stayed  away  so  much.  I  would  leave 
home  in  the  morning  at  school  time  and  then  come  up 
here  and  play  in  the  streets  instead  of  going  to  school. 
I  would  just  hang  around  the  corners  with  the  other 
boys  or  go  after  loot  with  them.  A  little  while  ago, 
Jimmie  and  I  wanted  money,  and  we  got  a  dog  to  fol- 
low us  into  a  candy  store  on  Eleventh  Avenue,  and 
there  we  tried  to  sell  it.  It  was  a  dandy  dog,  a  thorough- 
bred, but  the  storekeeper  said  he  had  two  already  and 
wouldn't  buy  it.  We  tried  to  sell  it  again  but  it  got 
away  from  us.    We  tried  that  with  another  one  once  but 

*  For  truancy  records  see  Appendix,  Table  14,  p.  173.  In  classifying 
the  boys  studied  according  to  the  extent  of  their  truancy,  a  distinction 
was  made  between  those  who  were,  according  to  our  standards,  really 
delinquent,  and  those  who  were  included  in  the  inquiry  for  some  other 
reason.  Data  are  available  for  215  of  the  294  boys  included  in  our 
study. 

149 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

it  was  a  bum  one.  Nobody  would  buy  it,  and  after 
spending  the  whole  morning  trying,  we  gave  it  a  kick 
and  chased  it  off.  Jimmie  and  I  and  a  bunch  of  boys  all 
got  a  duck  apiece  in  Jersey  once  and  we  were  able  to  sell 
them  for  fifty  cents  apiece." 

"  How  do  you  get  over  to  Jersey  without  paying?" 

"That's  easy,"  said  Jimmie,  "you  go  down  to  de 
ferry  and  wait  till  two  or  t'ree  ladies  comes  in  togeder. 
One  of  'em  gits  two  or  t'ree  tickets  for  the  bunch,  and 
you  step  right  up  in  front  of  the  first  lady,  like  you 
was  her  son.  The  gateman  sees  the  tickets  in  her  hand, 
and  then  you  beat  it,  while  she's  tryin'  to  explain  to  the 
gateman.  Coming  back  is  easier  still,  'cos  you  can 
always  sneak  through  the  wagon,  or  express,  or  em- 
ployes' entrances  there." 

"When  our  whole  family  goes  to  Jersey,"  went  on  the 
narrator,  "all  of  us  kids  sneak  in  that  way.  My  father 
buys  tickets  and  then  we  walk  through  the  gates  and  he 
refuses  to  pay  for  us  because  he  don't  know  us.  Just 
now  it  is  too  cold  to  go  to  Jersey  much,  or  do  anything 
but  keep  in  school.  Besides  I'm  on  parole  now.  I  have 
to  have  a  good  conduct  card  and  have  to  go  and  see 
Mr.  Carson  once  in  so  often  and  tell  him  about  what 
I'mdoin'." 

Truancy  here  is  developed  into  a  system,  which  the 
youngsters  can  adjust  to  any  occasion  with  the  greatest 
facility.  If  you  start  to  school  with  your  books  in  the 
morning  it  is  an  easy  matter  to  leave  them  at  a  candy 
store  or  with  a  friend,  and  put  in  the  morning  further- 
ing your  own  interests  on  the  docks  or  in  the  streets. 
If  a  truant  officer  asks  you  your  name  or  your  business 
on  the  streets,  one  name  is  as  good  as  another, — if  it  is 
far  enough  from  your  own;  and  there  are  many  plausible 

150 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

reasons  for  being  out  of  school,  if  you  can  avoid  having 
to  prove  them.  A  placating  note  to  your  teacher  written 
by  yourself  is  as  good  as  one  by  your  mother,  if  you  can 
only  make  the  teacher  believe  that  your  mother  wrote 
it.  After  two  or  three  days  in  the  street,  it  is  necessary 
to  maintain  a  strict  watch  over  the  mail  box,  if  you 
would  beat  your  parents  to  the  truant  officer's  notice 
which  will  sooner  or  later  be  found  therein.  This  notice 
can  be  removed  from  the  box  by  the  judicious  use  of  a 
bent  pin,  and  communication  between  the  school  and 
the  home  is  thus  indefinitely  postponed. 

Once  these  details  are  arranged,  the  streets  of  New 
York  are  open  to  the  boys  for  a  holiday.  Money,  while 
not  an  absolute  necessity,  is  much  to  be  desired,  and 
there  are  many  ways  of  obtaining  it, — witness  the  state- 
ment of  "Jimmie's"  friend,  above.  It  is  against  the 
law  for  boys  under  fourteen  years  to  work,  and  the 
greater  number  of  employers  to  whom  they  apply  do 
their  best  to  make  this  law  effective;  in  any  case,  labor 
as  a  financial  resource  makes  no  strong  appeal.  But 
there  are  things  to  sell  if  you  can  only  get  hold  of  them 
without  being  caught.  Pennies  may  be  begged,  or 
stolen  from  other  and  smaller  children.  Similarly  food 
may  be  begged  when  necessary,  or  obtained  unobtru- 
sively from  fruit  stand  and  grocery  counters.  Jimmie's 
friend  is  by  no  means  the  only  boy  who  starts  for  school 
regularly  every  morning  and  very  often  does  not  return 
before  nine  or  ten  o'clock  at  night,  staving  off  the  pangs 
of  hunger  (which  often  seems  to  be  the  only  form  of 
homesickness  known  in  this  district)  through  the  re- 
sources here  described. 

Akin  to  truancy  is  the  "wanderlust."  This  passion 
to  get  out  and  away,  travel,  and  court  adventure,  comes 

151 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

to  the  boy  of  the  Middle  West  Side  as  it  comes  to  most 
boys — and  often  he  obeys  its  call.  The  resulting  ex- 
periences are  usually  only  a  short  and  amusing  incident 
in  his  life;  very  rarely  do  they  lead  to  a  permanent 
change.  One  young  adventurer  told  of  a  characteristic 
trip: 

"  Denny  Murphy  came  over  to  our  house  one  morning 
last  summer  and  said,  'Red,  let's  beat  it.'  'Sure/  I 
said,  'where  to?'  'Out  west/  Denny  said.  I  did  not 
have  anything  else  to  do  and  I  thought  it  would  be  a 
good  thing  to  go  west.  So  that  afternoon,  Denny  and 
I  went  over  to  Jersey  City.  Denny  had  some  money. 
I  don't  know  where  he  got  it,  but  he  probably  stole  it, 
for  he  was  always  crazy  about  robberies;  talked  about 
'pulling  off'  robberies  and  things  of  that  kind,  and  I 
knew  he  had  been  in  some  hold-ups.  We  were  going  to 
go  to  Philadelphia  first,  but  I  thought  we  needed  more 
money  and  could  probably  get  a  job  in  Paterson.  So 
we  took  a  freight  train  to  Paterson.  Got  there  in  the 
evening  and  I  tried  for  a  job  in  the  factory.  I  told  the 
man  I  had  been  getting  six  dollars  a  week  in  another 
factory  and  told  him  I  lived  in  Paterson,  but  the 
manager  caught  me  lying  about  where  I  lived  and  fired 
me  out.  So  Denny  and  I  slept  that  night  in  the  door- 
way of  that  same  factory. 

"In  the  morning  we  both  looked  around  for  a  job, 
but  there  was  nothing  doing.  Finally  I  got  on  a  barge 
and  they  were  going  to  take  me  on  there  washing  dishes 
and  being  cabin  boy,  but  there  was  nothing  for  Denny 
to  do,  and  the  boat  was  going  up  the  river  instead  of 
down,  so  there  wasn't  any  use  in  our  staying  there;  so 
that  night  Denny  came  in  and  we  slept  on  the  back  of 
the  boat.     Denny  had  some  more  money  now — No,  I 

152 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

don't  know  where  he  got  it— and  we  went  over  to  Jersey 
City  again  on  the  trolley  car.  Then  we  caught  a  freight 
train  for  Philadelphia.  The  cars  were  locked  and  we 
had  to  climb  clear  up  and  ride  on  top.  We  got  down  to 
some  town  just  the  other  side  of  Trenton  before  a 
brakeman  saw  us  and  booted  us  off,  and  then  we  had  to 
wait  there  the  rest  of  the  afternoon  and  get  on  a  coal 
car  which  took  us  to  Philadelphia.  We  spent  that  night 
in  a  freight  car  and  then  got  on  another  freight  train 
out  in  the  West  Philadelphia  yards  and  started  west. 
We  climbed  in  a  box  car  marked  'Springfield,  Ohio/ 
shut  the  door,  and  I  went  to  sleep.  When  I  woke  up  it 
was  daylight,  and  the  car  was  in  another  city.  I  sup- 
posed it  was  Springfield  but  it  wasn't;  it  was  only  Harris- 
burg.  We  walked  all  around  the  town,  but  we  couldn't 
find  anything  to  do,  and  finally  we  got  out  of  money. 
Along  about  dark  we  saw  a  bellboy,  we  thought  he  was, 
coming  out  of  a  hotel.  He  was  a  'coon'  in  uniform,  so 
we  thought  he  must  be  a  bellboy.  Then  Denny  said, 
'  Here's  our  chance  to  get  money.'  He  said  we  could 
take  a  club  and  come  up  behind  and  blackjack  the  coon 
and  rob  him.  So  we  came  up  in  the  dark  and  just  as  we 
got  close  up  behind  him,  he  turned  around  and  we  saw 
that  he  was  not  a  bellboy  at  all  but  a  policeman.  I 
never  knew  before  they  had  'coon'  policemen  anywhere. 
"  Denny  and  I  beat  it  for  the  railroad  as  fast  as  we 
could  go.  We  did  not  wait  to  eat  or  anything,  but 
caught  a  freight  train  that  we  saw  moving,  and  when  we 
got  on  we  found  we  were  bound  for  Philadelphia  again. 
In  the  car  with  us  was  a  'coon'  bumming  like  we  were. 
He  wanted  to  know  who  we  were  and  where  we  were 
going.  We  told  him  we  were  just  looking  around  the 
country,  and  he  wanted  to  take  us  south  with  him.    He 

153 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

said  the  Southern  people  were  mighty  fine  people  and 
would  surely  give  us  good  jobs  if  we  would  go  with  him 
as  far  as  Atlanta.  We  had  come  back  from  the  west 
now  and  we  thought  we  might  as  well  go  south  as  any- 
where else,  so  we  told  him  we  would  go  with  him.  Then 
I  went  to  sleep  again  and  when  I  woke  up  there  wasn't 
any  coon  any  more.  He  had  beat  it  somewhere  and  left 
Denny  and  me  behind. 

"We  got  off  the  train  at  a  little  station  called  Over- 
brook,  just  outside  of  Philadelphia,  and  just  as  we  hit 
the  cinders,  two  railroad  detectives  jumped  out  from 
behind  the  switchhouse  and  grabbed  us  both  and  that 
ended  our  western  trip. 

"They  took  us  into  the  city  to  the  House  of  Deten- 
tion, where  we  stayed  over  that  night  and  the  next  two 
or  three  days.  There  was  a  man  there  who  treated  us 
fine  and  made  us  tell  all  about  ourselves,  and  after  two 
or  three  days  he  put  us  on  a  passenger  train  and  sent  us 
back  to  New  York.    I've  never  tried  to  go  west  since." 

Parties  and  dances,  now  and  then  a  "grand  annual 
ball"  or  "fete"  at  a  dance  hall  or  casino,  an  occasional 
visit  to  a  moving  picture  show,  one  or  two  dilapidated 
poolrooms,  and  the  sordid  and  ever-present  saloon — 
these  are  practically  the  only  amusements  definitely 
offered  to  the  West  Side  boy.  And  as  he  casts  about  for 
means  to  supplement  them  it  is  natural  for  him  to  turn 
early  to  indulgence  in  sexual  immorality,  which  he  has 
seen  and  heard  talked  of  in  the  tenement  and  the  street 
since  he  began  to  be  old  enough  to  notice  anything. 
His  sense  of  modesty  has  been  strangled  at  birth.  All 
round  him  he  is  accustomed  to  hear  obscene  terms, 
the  meaning  of  which  any  older  person  will  freely 
explain  in  a  way  which  robs  them  of  any  moral  sig- 

154 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

nificance  whatever.  There  are  plenty  of  "big  fellers" 
and  "wise  girls"  on  the  streets  to  teach  him  anything 
that  he  wishes  to  know.  In  the  tenements  themselves 
immoral  practices  are  common  even  among  small 
children,  with  the  full  knowledge  of  everyone  except 
their  parents,  who  are  nevertheless  apathetically  aware 
of  the  sins  of  their  neighbors'  children.  In  a  number  of 
ways  the  boys  here  learn,  not  the  truth  about  reproduc- 
tion, for  that  is  very  little  known  here,  but  about  sexual 
enjoyment  and  its  many  forms  of  perversion,  topics 
which  occupy  a  large  share  of  the  mind  of  adolescent 
youth  in  this  environment.  Children  of  both  sexes 
indulge  freely  in  conversation  which  is  only  carried  on 
secretly  by  adults  in  other  walks  of  life.  Certain  roofs 
in  the  neighborhood  have  a  name  as  rendezvous  for 
children  and  young  couples  for  immoral  practices. 

In  common  with  other  districts  of  the  city  the  neigh- 
borhood has  many  sexual  perverts,  and  these  furnish  an 
actual  menace  to  the  children.  As  infants,  practically, 
the  boys  have  heard  the  same  stories  repeated  until 
they  regard  sexual  matters  as  forbidden,  of  course, — 
— and  therefore,  like  smoking  cigarettes  and  gambling, 
to  be  hidden  from  parents,  police,  or  other  authorities, — 
but  with  no  sense  of  abhorrence.  Knowledge  of  the 
methods  of  the  perverts,  on  the  other  hand,  leads  to 
experimentation  among  the  boys,  and  to  the  many  forms 
of  perversion  which  in  the  end  make  the  degenerate. 
Self-abuse  is  considered  a  common  joke,  and  boys  as 
young  as  seven  and  eight  actually  practice  sodomy. 
Every  night  the  doorways  are  blocked  with  girls  from 
fourteen  to  twenty  years  of  age  who  lean  against  the 
walls  and  rails,  and  talk  with  the  young  men,  the  "talk" 
occasionally  degenerating  into  a  laughing  scuffle.    Girls 

*55 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

as  a  rule  are  never  mentioned  by  the  boys  except  in 
club-room  stories  of  the  grossest  immorality. 

Universally  these  boys  lack  stamina — physical, 
mental,  moral.  They  are  incapable  of  prolonged  exer- 
tion; a  minute  or  two  of  fast  boxing  exhausts  them 
completely,  and  only  the  exceptional  ones  are  able  to 
box  continuously  for  more  than  two  or  three  rounds. 
Their  baseball  teams  are  too  apt  to  "blow  up"  in  the 
fourth  or  fifth  inning,  no  matter  what  individual  clever- 
ness some  of  the  members  may  have  shown,  because 
the  players  are  so  shortwinded  and  feeble  of  limb.  There 
are,  of  course,  a  number  of  well  developed  athletes 
among  them,  but  a  boy  of  normal  physique  stands  out 
far  above  his  playmates,  and  those  of  exceptional  skill 
are  few  indeed. 

Their  mental  energies  are  scattered  and  undepend- 
able.  They  are  incapable  of  prolonged  thought  upon  any 
one  subject,  and  lack  absolutely  the  concentration  which 
mental  discipline  can  impart.  Quick  they  may  be  and 
clever,  but  they  are  seldom  deep,  and  through  years  of 
mental  inaction  they  seem  unable  to  grasp  anything  like 
an  abstract  idea  or  principle.  Of  any  except  the  simplest 
and  most  exciting  card  games  they  quickly  tire. 

The  lack  of  moral  stamina  is  even  more  evident. 
They  are  totally  unable  to  resist  physical  temptation  of 
any  sort.  In  fact,  their  training  seems  to  offer  them  no 
basis  of  resistance.  They  are  accustomed  to  striving  not 
to  overcome  but  to  gratify  every  desire.  Lack  of  privacy 
and  the  hopelessly  unmoral  attitude  of  the  neighborhood 
toward  all  matters  of  sex  have  left  them  without  any 
moral  standards.  In  deceit  and  treachery,  the  use  of 
superior  force  and  of  unfair  advantage,  they  see  nothing 
to  be  avoided  or  ashamed  of.    Revenge  and  the  fiercest 

156 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

retaliation  for  real  or  fancied  injury,  accidental  or 
otherwise,  are  part  of  their  code.  Their  life  is  a  struggle 
for  self-preservation,  and  they  are  naturally  consum- 
mately selfish;  for  the  feelings  of  others  they  have  not 
the  slightest  thought.  Calloused  into  unmorality  they 
are  unconcernedly  cruel,  and  such  a  thing  as  the  killing 
of  some  boy  in  a  gang  fight  will  be  related  in  a  perfectly 
matter-of-fact  manner.  They  have  no  respect  for  age 
or  authority. 

Two  types  of  boy  are  common  in  these  streets,  widely 
dissimilar,  but  equally  pathetic.  The  first  is  the  boy 
who  wants  to  "make  good,"  but'cannot  shake  off  the 
shackles  of  association  and  environment;  the  boy 
"who'd  make  something  of  himself  yet  if  given  half  a 
show."  Since  leaving  school  and  going  to  work  he  has 
perhaps  gone  through  the  process  known  as  "steadying 
down"  and  "getting  sensible."  Between  the  years  of 
fourteen  and  seventeen  there  may  have  come  a  loosening 
of  the  old  gang  ties,  a  change,  and  a  reshaping.  A  later 
period  seems  to  come  when  after  the  excitements  of  his 
adolescent  years  he  may  realize,  as  to  the  loafing  and 
depredations  into  which  he  has  drifted,  that  "there's 
nothing  in  it."  Sometimes  even  a  boy  from  a  down-at- 
the-heels  and  shiftless  family  makes  a  desperate  effort 
to  pull  up.  But  he  lacks  the  tremendous  energy  to 
struggle  through  the  bad  name  he  has  gotten  by  his 
own  career  and  by  identification  as  "one  of  that  crew." 
His  bitterness  is  natural.  "Oh,  1  know — that  is  another 
of  those  Fifty-third  Street  stories  about  Charlie  Harris. 
I've  heard  enough  of  them."  Such  a  boy  is  most  sus- 
ceptible at  this  time  to  home  and  outside  influence,  and 
if  only  the  opportunity  can  be  taken  it  will  be  not  un- 
likely to  prove  the  turning  point  in  his  life.     But  too 

157 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

often  there  is  no  one  at  hand  to  help  him.  The  West 
Side  boy  does  not  always  respond  to  kindness.  He 
knows  little  or  nothing  of  it  in  his  life,  and  his  native 
fickleness  and  dislike  of  direction  make  him,  especially 
after  the  school  age,  difficult  to  handle. 

Yet  sometimes  the  effort  does  succeed.  George  Ruhl, 
for  instance,  was  the  oldest  of  three  children  in  a  poor 
German  family.  Some  years  ago,  when  one  of  the 
settlement  workers  first  knew  him,  he  was  unruly  and 
"difficult"  and  quite  beyond  the  control  of  his  parents. 
He  refused  to  go  to  school,  smoked  cigarettes,  and  got 
into  bad  company  with  his  gang.  When  he  was  twelve 
years  old  a  settlement  worker  sent  him  away  to  the 
home  of  the  Salvation  Army.  The  superintendent  would 
not  keep  him  on  account  of  his  bad  influence  upon  the 
other  boys.  In  order  to  remove  him  from  his  gang  Miss 
Summers  had  him  sent  to  a  Boys'  Republic.  The  leader 
kept  him  for  two  years  and  gained  a  remarkably  good 
influence  over  the  boy.  He  then  placed  George  on  a 
farm  in  Massachusetts.  George  has  turned  out  well. 
The  owner  of  the  farm,  a  selectman  of  the  town,  treated 
him  like  a  member  of  his  own  family  and  trusted  him 
with  money  and  other  important  matters.  Finally  he 
rented  a  farm  to  George  and  another  boy,  and  they  are 
prospering.  They  run  a  truck  farm,  raising  also  chick- 
ens, eggs,  and  squabs.  For  many  years  George  sent  his 
mother  ten  dollars  a  month  to  pay  the  rent.  In  1909  he 
offered  to  take  the  whole  family  down  to  his  farm,  but 
Miss  Summers  advised  against  this  because  it  would 
have  imposed  too  much  of  a  burden  upon  the  boy. 
Here  is  a  case  in  which  outside  help  at  the  right  time 
worked  wonders;  and  undoubtedly  the  same  success 
might  result  in  many  others,  were  there  only  more 

158 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

knowledge  of  the  West  Side  and  more  voices  that  would 
answer  to  the  call.  Meanwhile  the  boy  "who  can't 
make  good"  is  still  with  us. 

.  The  second  type  commands  pity  but  deserves  few 
excuses.  It  is  the  boy  who  refuses  to  make  good.  When  a 
boy  goes  to  work  even  the  lax  discipline  of  the  irregu- 
larly attended  school  is  absent.  West  Side  boys  are  not 
in  demand,  and  his  job  is  often  that  of  an  extra  "hand," 
easily  turned  off,  or  else  it  is  of  a  "blind  alley"  nature. 
His  delinquency,  however,  cannot  be  considered  the 
effect  of  his  job,  for  boys  of  this  type  naturally  seek  for  a 
low  grade  of  employment.*  In  a  fit  of  temper  or  idle- 
ness he  surrenders  his  job;  perhaps  he  loses  it  unwilling- 
ly. Whole  days  of  enforced  freedom  will  follow.  One 
day  in  the  streets  between  weeks  of  monotonous  hard- 
ship in  the  factory  may  demoralize  a  boy.  Possibly  he 
hears  of  another  position,  which  he  thinks  will  be  easier 
and  pay  more  than  the  one  he  has.  So  he  drops  his 
former  job  and  takes  the  new  one.  Before  he  has  been 
in  his  new  position  long,  the  memory  of  his  day  of  idle- 
ness on  the  street  overcomes  him,  and  with  a  little 
money  in  his  pocket  he  quits  his  position,  and  this  time 
he  does  not  hunt  up  a  new  one  until  all  his  money  is 
spent.  The  next  logical  step  is  to  try  to  obtain  food  and 
money  as  long  as  possible  without  working  for  it.  And 
so  step  by  step  has  evolved  the  habitual  loafer  and  hang- 
er-on of  saloons,  the  young  man  who  brags  that  he  does 
not  earn  a  living  and  does  not  have  to  earn  one.  Two 
boys  known  to  our  workers  went  through  this  process 
and  are  now  young  men.  Both  live  off  the  earnings  of 
mother  and  sister,  and  indeed,  one  of  them  ordered  his 

*  For  occupations  and  wages  of  the  boys  who  were  at  work  see 
Appendix,  Table  15,  p.  174. 

159 


BOYHOOD   AND    LAWLESSNESS 

sister  to  go  to  work  "or  else  how  could  he  live?"  The 
other  blacked  his  sister's  eyes  over  a  similar  discussion. 
Such  things  are  common  on  the  Middle  West  Side. 

Both  of  these  types  are  direct  and  logical  products 
of  neighborhood  conditions,  just  as  many  of  the  ways  in 
which  the  boy  finds  his  recreation  simply  announce  the 
fact  that  he  must  invent  for  himself  what  his  home  fails 
to  provide.  The  boy's  inner  life  is  bleak  and  wretched 
because  every  normal  instinct  of  youth,  all  the  qualities 
of  which  future  men  are  made,  have  been  sapped  and 
stunted  by  the  gray,  grim  neighborhood  in  which  even 
play  is  crime.  There  are  ten  thousand  hopeless  little 
tragedies  on  the  Middle  West  Side  today;  and  our  only 
answer  to  their  appeal  is  to  call  for  the  police. 

If  the  school  is  at  a  disadvantage  in  its  labors  to  build 
up  character,  the  juvenile  court  is  even  more  so.  A 
day  at  court  is  a  transient  experience  and  soon  forgotten. 
Even  the  effects  of  months  of  institutional  life  are  soon 
outlived  under  the  strong  influences  of  the  street  and 
the  gang. 

Our  picture  of  the  West  Side  boy  is  now  wellnigh 
complete.  Lawless,  defiant,  a  nuisance  to  his  neighbors 
and  a  menace  to  his  playmates,  it  seems  as  though  the 
future  citizen  of  these  streets  were  little  likely  to  become 
other  than  a  burden  or  a  detriment  to  the  whole  body 
politic.  Certainly  he  and  his  gang,  taking  them  as  they 
are,  have  little  to  recommend  them  or  help  them  to 
offset  a  notoriety  which  they  have  justly  gained. 

Of  course,  their  days  are  not  on  this  account  all  tears 
and  misery.  That  side  of  the  story  has  been  emphasized 
because  it  bears  upon  the  purpose  of  this  study;  but  if  it 
were  the  only  side  these  boys  would  be  almost  too  im- 

160 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

possible  to  be  real.  But  they  are  very  real,  and  very 
boylike,  careless  and  happy-go-lucky,  too  young  to 
know — of  if  they  did  know  to  reflect  on — what  might 
have  been,  taking  their  world  as  it  is,  and  ingeniously 
determined  to  make  the  best  of  it  and  have  a  "good 
time,"  no  matter  at  whose  expense.  They  are  quaint 
little  figures,  with  their  rich  street  vocabulary,  their 
heartless  and  yet  almost  innocent  paganism,  their  capac- 
ity for  achieving  the  dangerous  in  amusement  though 
they  bump  into  every  corner  on  the  way.  Look  at  the 
gang  ready  for  baseball;  its  members  do  not  seem  over- 
whelmed by  the  burden  of  juvenile  delinquency.  Look 
at  the  little  group  "playing  hookey"  under  the  dock; 
fear  of  the  truant  officer  seems  to  sit  lightly  on  the 
shoulders  of  these  boys. 

No,  comedy  is  no  stranger  to  the  Middle  West  Side; 
only  it  is  Meredithian  comedy  and  the  laughter  which  it 
provokes  is  thoughtful  indeed.  And  it  is  assuredly  true 
that  if  you  would  see  all  that  is  most  typical  of  the  West 
Side  boy,  if  you  would  see  him  as  expressing  what  in  his 
life  he  really  is,  you  must  turn  your  back  on  comedy  and 
gaze  on  the  sadder  picture.  Look  at  the  illustrations 
and  see  the  boy  himself;  then  read  the  following  sketch 
as  the  caption  under  the  portrait.  It  is  printed  verbatim 
from  the  New  York  Evening  World  of  April  10,  191 1,  and 
for  its  truth  to  life  it  cannot  be  bettered. 

Johnnie  Moran,  twelve  years  old,  .  .  .  was  arraigned  to- 
day ...  in  the  Children's  Court. 

The  boy  was  taken  in  charge  Saturday  night  by  Detectives 
Carter  and  Brown  from  headquarters,  after  he  had  watched  his 
father  die  of  dropsy  thirty-six  hours  previously;  after  he  had 
seen  the  body  robbed  by  a  playmate;  after  he  himself  had 
taken  "de  old  man's"  watch,  and  had  then  gone  to  play 
in  the  street  as  if  nothing  out  of  the  usual  had  occurred. 

161 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

Johnnie  is  undersized.  His  chest  is  sunken  and  his  shoulders 
slope;  his  furtive  little  gray  eyes  are  deep  set  under  a  bulging 
brow,  topped  by  a  shock  of  hair  of  no  particular  color;  his 
small  fingers  are  cigarette-stained,  and  his  clothes  look  as  if 
their  origin  had  been  the  ash  barrel.  Here  is  the  story  he  told 
an  Evening  World  reporter,  while  swinging  his  thin  legs  uncon- 
cernedly from  a  bench  in  the  room  above  the  Children's  Court, 
where  the  little  prisoners  were  waiting  to  be  called  for  trial: 

"Me  old  man  was  sick  a  week  and  three  days.  I  didn't 
know  what  wuz  the  matter  wid  him,  and  he  didn't  neither.  He 
just  laid  around  and  groaned  and  his  legs  swelled  awful.  His 
name?  He  wuz  named  John,  too,  and  he  was  a  night  watch- 
man, when  he  woiked,  down  to  the  dock  at  Thoity-seventh 
Street.  Yes,  sir,  he  drinked  some  mostly  before  he  went  to 
work  in  the  evenin'.  But  it  didn't  seem  to  bother  him.  No, 
sir,  he  never  treated  me  bad;  hardly  ever  licked  me. 

"The  old  man  never  had  nothing  to  eat,  'cept  what  I  bringed 
him  the  first  day  he  wuz  sick.  Yes,  sir,  I  went  to  school  every 
day.  I  wuz  'fraid  the  troont-off'cer'd  git  me.  The  old  man 
didn't  mind — he  just  stayed  by  himself.  No,  sir,  nobody 
come  to  see  him,  and  he  never  told  me  to  git  nobody.  After 
school  I'd  play  in  the  streets  with  the  other  fellows  and  I'd 
git  some  buns  and  milk.  I  didn't  want  much — wuzn't 
hungry — and  the  old  man  never  seemed  to  want  anything." 

Johnnie  produced  a  wad  of  chewing  gum  from  some  recess 
of  his  jacket  and  a  second  later  the  atmosphere  around  him 
reeked  with  the  odor  of  mint. 

"Thursday  night,"  he  went  on,  "  he  wuz  took  woise.  I 
slept  on  a  bundle  of  old  things  in  a  corner  and  in  the  night  I 
heard  the  old  man  git  up  and  go  in  the  kitchen  and  sit  down 
there.  He  groaned  somethin'  awful — like  this,"  and  the  boy 
gave  a  startling  imitation,  "  and  I  couldn't  sleep  and  I  told  him 
to  shut  up.  Then,  after  a  while,  he  stopped  groaning  and  when 
I  got  up  to  go  to  school  I  see  he  wuz  nearly  all  in. 

"He  told  me  to  tie  a  rope  around  him  and  try  and  pull  him 
onto  the  bed  and  I  did  it,  but  it  wuzn't  no  use.  Then  I  went 
out  and  got  a  roll  and  a  glass  o'  milk  and  when  I  come  back  he 
wuz  half  way  onto  the  bed,  and  he  didn't  answer  when  I  spoke 
to  him  and  shook  him.  I  called  him  four  or  five  times,  but  he 
never  answered,  and  so  I  went  on  to  school.  I  didn't  want  the 
troont-off'cer  to  git  me. 

"Yes,  sir,  I  knowed  he  wuz  dead,  but  I  had  to  go  to  school. 
Then  after  school  was  out,  1  told  some  of  the  fellers  and  tv/o  of 
'em  went  up  in  the  room  with  me,  and  one  of  'em — he  wuz  a 

162 


THE  CENTER  OF  THE  PROBLEM 

big  boy — took  five  dollars  out  of  the  old  man's  pocket  and  I 
took  his  watch.  The  big  boy— his  name  wuz  Frank  Reede— 
wouldn't  give  me  none  of  the  five  dollars  and  he  and  the  other 
kid  run  away. 

"The  next  day  I  got  hungry  and  I  told  the  janitor  and  he 
told  the  cops  and  they  come  and  got  me  and  took  the  old  man's 
watch  to  keep  for  me.  Yes,  sir,  I'm  sorry  the  old  man's  dead. 
He  wuz  good  to  me.  No,  sir,  me  muther  is  dead.  She  died 
when  I  wuz  a  year  old  when  we  lived  in  Thoity-thoid  Street. 
1  dunno  how  long  we  have  been  living  in  Thoity-seckin  Street. 
What'll  they  do  with  me,  Mister?" 

What  shall  we  do  with  him?  That  is  a  question  which 
the  institutions,  the  officials,  and  the  people  of  New  York 
must  answer. 


163 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 


TABLE  i.— SOURCES  FROM  WHICH  THE  NAMES  OF  THE 
294  BOYS  STUDIED  WERE  OBTAINED 


Source 


1909  Court  list 

Big  Brother  Movement 

Special  club  studies 

Charity  Organization  Society      .... 
Additional  children  of  interest  in  families  visited 
Known  through  investigators  on  other  topics  . 
Known  through  other  children    .... 

School      

Church 

Settlement 

Total 


Names 


202 

43 
10 
8 
20 
6 
2 
i 
1 
1 


294 


TABLE  2— AGES  OF  BOYS* 


Age 


Less  than  8  years  . 
8  years  and  less  than  10  years 
10  years  and  less  than  12  years 
12  years  and  less  than  14  years 
14  years  and  less  than  16  years 
16  years  and  more  . 


Total 


a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  ages  of  two  of  the  294  boys. 
167 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

TABLE  3.— LENGTH  OF   RESIDENCE   IN  THE   DISTRICT 
OF  183  FAMILIES'1 


Years  in  district 

FAMILIES 

Number 

Per  cent 

Less  than  5  years 

5  years  and  less  than  10  years     . 
10  years  and  less  than  15  years     . 
1 5  years  and  less  than  20  years    . 
20  years  and  more 

13 
3> 
25 
26 
88 

7-i 
16.9 

13-7 
14.2 
48.1 

Total 

.83 

100. 0 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  length  of  residence  in  the 
district  of  58  of  the  241  families. 


TABLE  4.— COUNTRY  OF  BIRTH  OF  PARENTS4 


Country  of  birth 

Fathers 

Mothers 

United  States 

81 

92 

Ireland 

64 

72 

Germany 

27 

18 

Italy  . 

'7 

'5 

Scotland 

7 

8 

England 

6 

4 

Sweden 

4 

4 

France 

4 

2 

Austria 

3 

2 

Russia 

1 

3 

Dalmatia 

2 

2 

Roumania 

2 

Armenia 

1 

Switzerland 

1 

West  Indies 

1 

Portugal    . 

Denmark  . 

1 

Total 

222 

227 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  country  of  birth  of  19  fathers 
and  14  mothers  in  241  families. 

168 


APPENDIX 


TABLE  5.— NATIONALITY  OF  AMERICAN-BORN 
PARENTS4 


Nationality 

German  .... 

Irish.  .... 

American  .... 

English  .... 

Total      .... 


a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  nationality  of  14  of  81 
American-born  fathers  and  of   19  of  92  American-born   mothers. 


TABLE  6.— TWO  HUNDRED   FAMILIES  CLASSIFIED  AC- 
CORDING TO  NUMBER  OF  PERSONS  IN  HOUSEHOLDS 
AND  NUMBER  OF  ROOMS  OCCUPIED* 


FAMILIES 

DCCUPYING 

</> 

Persons  in 
household 

_  s 

si 

0  0 

H  0 

S  E 

r-  S 

5e 

II 

O 

09 

*  E 

C/5   g 
ft- 

>  0 
£  0 

M  0 

<  E 

Two   . 
Three 
Four  . 

1 

1 

3 
1 

I 
13 

7 

1 

7 
1 1 

I 
I 

6 

I 

2 

4 

26 

27 

Five    . 

1 

3 

1 1 

10 

2 

27 

Six 
Seven 
Eight 
Nine  . 
Ten  or  ele\ 
Twelve  an 

fen 
d  les 

s  than 

3 

12 
4 

4 

2 

12 

11 

'7 

5 

1 

10 
8 
5 
3 
4 

4 
1 

2 
I 
I 

2 

4i 
25 
28 

13 
6 

15    . 

75 

1 

4' 

2 

2 

3 

Total      . 

3 

10 

54 

14 

1 

200 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  number  of  rooms  occupied 
by  one  household  of  three  persons,  six  of  four  persons,  six  of  five 
persons,  three  of  six  persons,  three  of  seven  persons,  three  of  eight 
persons,  one  of  nine  persons,  and  one  of  12  persons;  as  to  the  number 
of  persons  in  two  households  occupying  four  rooms;  nor  as  to  the 
number  of  rooms  occupied  or  the  number  of  persons  in  1 5  households. 

169 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 
TABLE  7.— LIVING  CHILDREN  IN  231   FAMILIES'1 


N 

umber  of  living  c 

hildren 

FAMILIES 

Number 

Per  cent 

One    . 

Tv/o  . 
Three 
Four  . 
Five   . 
Six      . 
Seven 
Eight 
Nine  . 
Ten     . 
Eleven 

12 
28 

28 

34 

44 

36 

24 

17 

5 

2 

1 

5-2 

12. 1 

12. 1 

•4-7 
19.0 
15.6 
10.4 

7-4 

2.2 

•9 
•4 

Total 

231 

1 00.0 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  number  of  children  in  10 
of  the  241  families. 


TABLE  8.— STATUS  OF  MOTHERS  IN  222  FAMILIES3 


Status  of  mother 

MOTHERS 

Number 

Per  cent 

Living  and  earning  wages      .... 

Living  and  not  earning  wages 

Dead 

87 

103 

32 

39.2 
46.4 
14.4 

Total 

222 

100.0 

a  Information  not  available  as  to  the  status  of  the  mother  in  19 
of  the  241  families. 

17O 


APPENDIX 


TABLE  9.— CONJUGAL  CONDITIONS  OF  PARENTS  IN  233 
FAMILIES" 


Conjugal  condition  of  parents 

FAMILIES 

Number 

Per  cent 

Father  dead,  mother  living  b. 

Mother  dead,  father  living0  .... 

Both  parents  living,  but  separated 

•33 
53 
20 

"5 
12 

57-  • 

22.7 
8.6 
6.4 

5-2 

Total 

233 

1 00.0 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  conjugal  condition  of 
parents  in  eight  of  the  241  families. 

b  In  eleven  cases  where  the  father  was  dead  and  the  mother  living, 
the  mother  had  remarried  and  the  step-father  was  with  the  family. 

c  In  four  cases  where  the  mother  was  dead,  and  the  father  living, 
the  father  had  remarried  and  the  step-mother  was  with  the  family. 

TABLE  10.— RELIEF  RECORDS  OF  241   FAMILIES 


RecorJ 

FAMILIES 

Number 

Per  cent 

Known  to  have  received  aid: 

From  relief  societies 

In  form  of  institutional  care  for  children  . 
From  other  sources 

73 
'7 
15 

30.3 
6.2 

Total 

Deducting  duplicates* 

.05 
19 

43.6 
7-9 

Total 

Known  not  to  have  received  aid  . 

Relief  record  unknown 

86 

144 

1  1 

35-7 
59-7 
4.6 

Grand  total 

241 

1 00.0 

a  There  were  19  cases  in  which  families  were  known  to  have  re- 
ceived relief  of  more  than  one  of  the  three  kinds  specified. 

171 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 

TABLE    1 1.— DURATION    OF    RELIEF    RECORDS    OF    73 
FAMILIES  KNOWN  TO  HAVE  RECEIVED  AID  FROM 
RELIEF  SOCIETIES  a 


Duration  of  record 

FAMILIES 

Number 

Per  cent 

1  year  and  less  than    2  years 

2  years  and  less  than    5  years    . 
5  years  and  less  than  10  years    . 

10  years  and  less  than  15  years    . 
1 5  years  and  less  than  20  years    . 
20  years  and  less  than  25  years     . 

'-5 
1 1 
10 

19 
1 1 

4 
3 

20.5 
15. 1 

'3-7 
26.0 
15. 1 

5-5 
4-i 

73 

1 00.0 

a  Information  is  not  at  all  available  as  to  the  duration  of  the  relief 
records  of  13  of  the  86  families  who  were  known  to  have  received 
aid. 


TABLE  12.— COURT  DISPOSITION  OF  CASES  INVOLVING 
454  ARRESTS  AFFECTING  259  BOYS  AND  221  FAMILIES a 


Disposition  of  cases 

Arrests 

Boys 
affected 

Families 
affected 

Boy  paroled        .... 
Boy  sent  up        ...        . 

260 

95 
99 

197 
83 

75 

176 
76 
67 

Total 

454 

2  59b 

22Ib 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  disposition  of  nine  cases 
involving  arrest. 

b  As  some  of  the  boys  were  arrested  more  times  than  one,  and  as 
some  of  the  families  had  two  or  more  boys  who  were  arrested,  these 
figures  are  absolute  totals,  and  not  the  sums  of  the  other  figures 
in  the  columns  in  which  they  appear. 

172 


APPENDIX 


TABLE    13.— FINAL  DISPOSITION  OF  92   WEST  SIDE  PA. 
ROLED  CASES  AND  OF  1,492  PAROLED  CASES  DIS- 
POSED OF  BY  THE  MANHATTAN  COURT  IN  1909  a 


Final  disposition  of  case 

WEST  SIDE   CASES 

ALL    CASES 

Number 

Percent 

Number 

Percent 

Discharged   or  sentence  sus- 
pended        .... 
Committed  to  institutions   . 

78 
>4 

84.8 
15.2 

1,264 
148 

89.5 
10.5 

Total 

92 

100. 0 

1,412 

1 00.0 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  two  of  the  95  paroled  cases 
and  one  case  was  still  pending  when  the  study  was  concluded. 


TABLE  14.— TRUANCY  RECORDS  OF  2 1 5  BOYS,  CLASSI FI  ED 
AS  DELINQUENT  OR  NOT  DELINQUENT* 


BOYS 

Extent  of  truancy 

De- 
linquent 

Not 
delinquent 

Total 

No  truancy         .... 
Occasional  truancy    . 
Serious  truancy 

Boy  physically  disqualified  for 
school  attendance 

4< 

>7 

109 

4 

43 
1 

84 

•7 
no 

4 

Total 

171 

44 

215 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  the  truancy  of  79  of  the  294 
boys  included  in  the  study. 

173 


BOYHOOD    AND    LAWLESSNESS 


TABLE  15— STATUS  OF  163  BOYS  NOT  GAINFULLY 
EMPLOYED14 


Status 

Boys 

Less  than  14  years  of  age 

14  years  of  age  or  more: 

Out  of  work  and  out  of  school 

99 

3« 

8 

25 

Total 

16) 

8  Of  the  294  boys,  100  were  gainfully  employed, 
not  available  as  to  the  status  of  31  boys. 


Information  is 


174 


APPENDIX 

TABLE    1 6— OCCUPATION     AND     WAGES   OF    100    BOYS 
GAINFULLY  EMPLOYED3 


BOYS    EARNING 

Boys 
whose 

Occupation 

fa 

and 
less 
than 

$3 

$3 
and 
less 
than 

$4 

$4 
and 
less 
than 

15 

15 

and 

less 

than 

$6 

$6 
and 
less 
than 

$7 

17 
and 
less 
than 
more 

earn- 
ings 
are 
not 

avail- 
able 

All 
boys 

Errand  boy     . 
Office  boy 

Piano  factory  worker    . 
Driver  or  driver's  helper 
Stock  boy 
Printer's  apprentice 
Plumber's  apprentice 
Worker  in  factory  other 

than  piano  factory 
Cash  boy 
Tailor's  helper 
Farm  hand 
Check  boy 
Messenger  boy 
Bakery  worker 
Moving    picture     show 

worker 
Freight  checker 
Packer     .... 
Garage  helper 
Plasterer's  helper  . 
Water  boy,  Metropolitan 

Railroad 
Engineer's  helper  . 
Newspaper  boy 
Furnace  company  worker 
Water  works  worker 
Clerk        .... 
Prisoner  in  navy  prison . 

3 

2 
2 

1 
I 
1 

3 

2 

3 
i 
i 

5 
6 

2 
2 

I 

• 

• 

2 
I 

I 

2 
2 
1 
1 

I 

i 

i 
i 
\ 

1 

i 

5 

< 

\ 
> 

; 
; 

22 
15 
'4 

7 
5 
4 
4 

3 
3 
3 

2 
2 
2 
2 

] 

1 
1 
1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

! 

1 

Total    .... 

3 

9 

12 

2 

I 

l 

I 

i( 

> 

24 

99 

a  Of  the  294  boys,  163  were  not  gainfully  employed, 
is  not  available  as  to  the  status  of  31  boys. 

175 


Information 


REPORT  OF   CHILDREN'S   COURT,   1913 

Excerpts  from  Annual  Report  Court  of  Special 

Sessions  of  the  City  of  New  York 

For  the  Year  Ending  December  31,  1913 

The  following  tables  and  charts  are  taken  from  the 
annual  report  of  the  children's  court  for  the  county  of 
New  York. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  report  the  court  officials 
had  the  active  co-operation  of  the  Committee  on  Crimi- 
nal Courts  of  the  Charity  Organization  Society.  With 
the  approval  of  Frank  Smith,  the  Chief  Clerk  of  the 
Court  of  Special  Sessions,  and  under  the  direction  of 
Lawrence  Veiller,  Secretary  of  the  Committee,  the 
report  was  planned  and  compiled  by  George  Everson, 
the  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Committee. 

These  statistics,  based  on  a  total  of  9,019  cases  and 
representing  the  juvenile  delinquency  of  the  entire 
county,  make  it  possible  for  us  to  compare  some  of  the 
features  of  juvenile  lawlessness  on  the  Middle  West 
Side  with  corresponding  conditions  in  the  larger  area. 
To  quote  from  the  report : 

"The  total  number  of  arraignments  in  the  Court  for  the 
year  1913  was  9,019.  The  statistical  tables  of  this  report  are 
based  on  this  large  number  of  cases.  _  Any  facts  concerning 
juvenile  delinquency  in  these  statistics  should  be  of  per- 
manent scientific  value  because  of  the  fact  of  the  large  num- 
ber of  cases  involved. 

"In  the  present  report  an  effort  has  been  made  to  put 
before  the  public  more  detailed  information,  in  the  form  of 
statistical  tables  and  charts,  than  has  been  done  in  previous 
years.  These  tables,  and  their  illustrative  graphics,  will 
show  to  some  extent  the  detail  of  the  work  of  the  Court  and 
will  make  available  for  popular  use  some  of  the  information 
which  is  carefully  tabulated  for  each  case  that  comes  into 
the  Court  during  the  year. 

"Many  pertinent  and  interesting  facts  concerning  juvenile 

177 


APPENDIX 

delinquency  are  available  from  the  court  records.  Owing  to 
the  limited  time  at  the  disposal  of  the  clerical  staff  for  the 
compilation  of  statistics  from  the  individual  records  of  the 
Court,  we  have  heretofore  been  unable  to  get  as  much  of 
the  information  before  the  public  as  we  should  like  to  have 
done.  The  assistance  which  we  have  received  from  the 
Committee  on  Criminal  Courts  of  the  Charity  Organization 
Society  has  made  it  possible  for  us  to  put  the  statistics  in 
their  present  form,  they  having  collaborated  with  our  staff, 
at  the  expenditure  of  considerable  time  and  money,  for  which 
we  are  considerably  indebted. 

"The  installation  of  the  probation  system,  with  its  very 
accurate  and  detailed  records  of  each  case  investigated  by, 
or  placed  in  charge  of  probation  officers,  has  put  many  more 
facts  at  our  disposal  in  regard  to  the  family  conditions,  school 
and  employment  records,  etc.,  of  children  receiving  proba- 
tionary treatment.  It  has  been  our  purpose  to  include  some 
of  these  facts  of  general  and  scientific  interest  in  this  report. 

"Charts  and  Graphics. — An  effort  has  been  made  to 
illustrate  the  most  pertinent  facts  brought  out  in  the  statis- 
tical tables  by  some  simple  charts  and  graphics;  it  is  hoped 
that  the  reader  will  get  at  a  glance  the  gist  of  the  tables  so 
illustrated.  In  some  instances,  the  charts  have  been  used  to 
supplement  the  information  included  in  the  tables  accom- 
panying them. 

"Special  Proceedings  and  Juvenile  Delinquency  Dis- 
tinguished.— It  will  be  noted  that  throughout  the  statis- 
tical tables  distinction  has  been  made  between  cases  of 
children  arraigned  as  juvenile  delinquents  and  children 
arraigned  in  special  proceedings.  An  explanation  of  these 
terms  may  help  the  reader.  The  general  distinction,  broadly 
stated,  is  the  same  distinction  which  is  generally  made  be- 
tween delinquent  and  dependent  children.  Special  Pro- 
ceedings, however,  include  beside  improper  guardianship 
cases,  so-called,  all  cases  of  truancy,  ungovernable  and  dis- 
orderly children,  and  cases  of  girls  in  danger  of  becoming 
morally  depraved.  While  these  latter  are  considered  by  the 
Court  as  being  in  need  of  the  care  and  protection  of  the 
State,  their  offenses  often  show  evidence  of  grave  moral 
turpitude,  and  the  Court  finds  them  to  be  among  the  most 
difficult  cases  to  handle. 

"Whenever,  in  the  case  of  a  child  brought  before  the  Court 
on  the  charge  of  juvenile  delinquency,  it  shall  appear  in  the 
course  of  the  trial  that  the  child  is  without  proper  guardian- 
ship, or  is  in  unfavorable  environment,  he  or  she  may  be 

.78 


APPENDIX 

adjudged  to  be  in  need  of  the  care  and  protection  of  the 
State,  and  is  then  arraigned  in  Special  Proceedings. 

"Probation. — Within  the  last  two  years  great  advances 
have  been  made  in  probation  in  this  Court.  A  complete  and 
well-organized  system  of  probation  records  has  been  installed, 
and  the  Court  has  the  service  of  twenty-three  probation 
officers  who  devote  their  entire  time  and  energy  to  the  assist- 
ance and  reformation  of  children  placed  in  their  charge  by 
the  Court.  The  results  of  their  investigations  are  invaluable 
to  the  judge  in  making  his  disposition  of  the  cases,  and  their 
work  in  helping  the  boys  and  girls  to  become  good  citizens 
is  a  great  service  to  the  community.  The  only  fault  which 
we  have  to  find  with  the  present  system  is  the  fact  that  the 
period  of  probation  in  general  is  not  long  enough  to  allow 
the  probation  officer  to  do  his  best  work  with  the  children 
under  his  charge.  Table  XXX,  and  its  accompanying  chart, 
shows  the  length  of  the  probation  periods;  it  will  be  noted 
that  one-quarter  of  the  cases  are  on  probation  for  a  period 
of  two  months  or  under,  while  80  per  cent  of  them  are  for 
periods  of  less  than  six  months.  It  is  the  opinion  of  experts 
that  proper  probationary  treatment  can  be  given  only  when 
the  child  is  placed  under  the  officer  for  sufficient  length  of 
time  to  allow  the  officer  to  do  really  constructive  work  with 
the  child,  so  that  it  will  be  of  lasting  influence  in  his  life.  If 
the  offense  is  not  sufficiently  serious  to  require  a  substantial 
probation  period,  then  it  is  not  of  sufficient  importance  to 
have  the  probation  officer  spend  his  time  with  the  case.  In 
order  to  have  longer  probation  periods  a  larger  corps  of  pro- 
bation officers  will  be  necessary. 

"Truancy. — The  report  shows  that  there  were  62  cases 
of  violation  of  the  compulsory  education  law  brought  into 
the  Court  during  the  year.  Investigations  of  cases  by  the 
probation  officers  have  disclosed  the  appalling  prevalence  of 
truancy  among  juvenile  delinquents.  Hundreds  of  cases  are 
on  record  in  the  probation  rooms  showing  that  children  on 
probation  have  been  habitual  truants  previous  to  being 
brought  into  the  Court  on  delinquency  charges." 

Under  the  group  of  cases  defined  as  Special  Proceed- 
ings is  often  found  the  neglected  young  girl  of  the  ac- 
companying study  by  Ruth  S.  True.  The  columns  in 
the  following  tables  dealing  with  girls'  cases  will  throw 
some  light  on  the  charges  on  which  she  sometimes  gets 
into  court. 

179 


TABLE 
(Table  XVIII. — Residence  by  Districts  of  Children 


Districts  and  territory  in  districts 


I.  Below  14th  St.,   East  of  4th  Ave., 
Bowery  and  Catharine  St  . 

II.  Below  14th  St.,  West  of  4th  Ave., 
Bowery  and  Catharine  St  . 

III.  East  of  6th  Ave.,  from  14th  St.  to 
63d  St." 

IV.  West  of  6th  Ave.,  between  14th  St. 
and  62d  St 

V.  East  of  5th  Ave.,  from  63d  St.  to 
109th  St.b 

VI.  West   of   Central    Park    and    8th 
Ave.,  from  62d  St.  to  126th  St.    . 

VII.  In  Manhattan,  East  of  8th  Ave., 
North  of  109th  St.° 

V II I .  West  of  8th  Ave.,  between  1 26th 
St.  and  155th  St 

IX.  West   of   8th    Ave.    and    Harlem 
River  North  of  155th  St 


X.    All  of  The  Bronx 
Brooklyn d  .     .     .     . 
All  others    . 
Not  stated  . 


Total 


JUVENILE    DELINCUENCY 


Male 


Num- 
ber 


1,002 

604 

332 

499 

667 

253 

597 

91 

32 

529 

"3 

29 

15 


Per 

cent 


21 .0 

12.7 

7.0 

10.5 

14.0 

5-3 

12.5 

1-9 

■7 

1 1  . 1 

24 

.6 

3 


4,763    1 00.0 


Female 


Num-     Per 
ber      cent 


25.2 

9-9 
6.6 
1 1 .0 
176 
4.4 
13.2 


2.2 
1 . 1 


Total 


Num- 
ber 


1,025 

6.3 

338 

509 

683 

257 

609 

9' 

32 

537 

113 

3' 


4.854 


Per 

cent 


12.6 


a  East  of  6th  Ave.,  from  14th  St.  to  63d  St.  to  3d  Ave.;  and  64th  St.,  from  3d 
b  East  of  5th  Ave.,  from  63d  St.  to  3d  Ave.,  and  64th  St.,  between  3d  Ave.  and 
e  In  Manhattan,  East  of  8th  Ave.,  North  of  1 10th  St.  to  5th  Ave.,  and  1 12th  St., 
d  Children  living  in  Brooklyn,  but  arrested  in  Manhattan. 
*  Counted  by  children. 


180 


ONE 

Arraigned  during  1913.*     Report,  pp.  72-73.) 


SPECIAL    PROCEEDINGS 

ALL 

CASES 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

473 

17.8 

235 

15-5 

708 

17.0 

1.475 

'9  9 

258 

16.0 

'.733 

19.2 

278 

10.4 

'23 

8.1 

401 

96 

882 

II. 9 

132 

8.2 

1,014 

II. 3 

192 

7-2 

152 

10.0 

344 

8.3 

524 

7-1 

158 

9.8 

682 

7-6 

330 

12.4 

235 

15   5 

565 

.3.6 

829 

II  .2 

245 

15-4 

1,074 

1 1. 9 

306 

11. 6 

186 

12.3 

492 

11. 8 

973 

13.1 

202 

12.6 

'.'75 

130 

98 

3-7 

70 

4-7 

168 

4.0 

351 

4-7 

74 

4.6 

425 

4-7 

257 

9-7 

161 

10.6 

418 

10.0 

854 

II. 5 

'73 

10.8 

1.027 

11. 4 

46 

1.8 

20 

1-3 

66 

1.6 

137 

"   9 

20 

i  .2 

'57 

1.8 

22 

.8 

13 

•9 

35 

.8 

54 

•7 

"3 

.8 

67 

■7 

308 

11. 7 

191 

12.6 

499 

1  2.0 

837 

II. 3 

199 

12.4 

1,036 

11  .5 

36 

1   3 

13 

■  9 

49 

1 .2 

•49 

2. 1 

13 

.8 

162 

1.8 

145 

5-5 

37 

24 

182 

4-4 

"74 

2-3 

39 

2.4 

213 

2  3 

159 

6.1 

79 

52 

238 

5-7 

'74 

23 

80 

50 

254 

2.8 

2,650 

100.0 

1,515 

100. 0 

4,165 

100. 0 

7.413 

1 00.0 

1  606 

100.0 

9,019 

100.0 

Ave.  to  East  River. 

East  River,  to  1 12th  St.  to  3d  Ave.,  and 

from  5th  Ave.  to  3d  Ave.,  and  109th  St., 


109th  St.  from  3d  Ave.  to  the  East  River, 
from  3d  Ave.  to  East  River. 


l8l 


CHART  I 

(Chart  XIV. — Residence  by  Districts  of  Children  Arraigned  During  1913. 

Report,  p.  74.) 

182 


TABLE  TWO 
(Table  IV. — Nature  of  Charges.*     Report,  p.  52.) 


Charges 


Juvenile  delinquency:* 

a.  Assault 

b.  Offenses  against  property 

c.  Major  offenses   against   the 

peace      

d.  Minor  offenses   against    the 

peace      

e.  Unlawfully  employed      . 

f.  Violation  of  corporation  or- 

dinances     not      included 
above     

g.  Unclassified 


h.   Total 4,763 


Num- 
ber 


236 

1,212 

584 

2,253 
312 


Special  proceedings:1'  • 

a.  Improper  guardianship  . 

b.  Sex  offenses 

c.  Ungovernable  and  disorderly 

children 

d.  Truancy 


376 

57 


Per 

cent 


50 

25-3 


47-3 
6.6 


1 . 1 

24 


82.9 

•  7 

14.2 
2.2 


Num-      Per 
ber      cent 


1,271 
135 


1 1 .0 

27-4 


15-4 
19.8 


4-4 
8.8 


839 
8.9 

6.9 
•3 


Num- 
ber 


246 
1.237 

596 

2,267 
330 


58 
120 


4,854 


3.470 
153 


480 


Per 

cent 


51 
25.4 


46.7 
6.8 


1 .2 
2.5 


83.3 
3  7 


e.    Total 


3.    Total,  all  cases- 

a.  Juvenile  delinquency 

b.  Special  proceedings    . 


Grand  total 


2,650 


4,763 
2,650 


4,165 


7,413 


64.3 
357 


9' 
1.515 


5-7 
94-3 


4,854 
4,165 


53.8 
46.2 


1,606 


*  Juvenile  Delinquency:  Assault  includes  third  degree  and  felonious  assault; 
Offenses  against  property  includes  burglary,  robbery,  grand  and  petit  larceny,  and 
unlawful  entry;  Mator  offenses  against  the  peace  includes  disorderly  conduct  as  de- 
fined by  Section  43,  Penal  law;  carrying  dangerous  weapons  and  discharging  firearms; 
Minor  offenses  against  the  peace  includes  disorderly  conduct  as  defined  under  Section 
720  and  violation  of  railroad  law.  Unlawfully  employed,  includes  peddling  and 
violation  of  the  labor  law. 

b  Special  Proceedings:  Improper  guardianship  includes  destitute,  neglected,  and 
ill-treated  children;  Sex  offenses  includes  cases  under  Section  353,  laws  of  1886,  and 
cases  of  sex  immorality  defined  in  Section  486,  Penal  Law ;  Ungovernable  and  disorderly 
children  includes  children  complained  of  by  parents,  children  who  desert  home,  and 
so  forth. 

*  Counted  by  cases,  and  classified  by  terms  in  popular  use,  because  statutory 
classifications  which  are  clear  to  the  lawyer  are  likely  to  confuse  the  layman. 


183 


Juvenile  Delinquency 
MINOR.  OFFENSES  A&AINST  THE  PEACE 


25.1% 


IMPROPER    GUARDIANSHIP 


Special  Proceedings 


[UNGOVERNABLE  *  DISORDERLY    CHILDREN 
5-3% 


38-5', 


CHART    II 

(Chart  II.— Nature  of  Charges.    Report,  p.  53.) 

(Percentages  shown  are  of  the  total  number  (9,019)  of  all  cases  arraigned.) 


184 


I  tt 


TABLE 
(Table  IX. — Disposition  on  First  Hearing  of  all 


JUVENILE    DELINQUENCY 

Disposition 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

1.   Summarily  disposed  of      ...      . 

2,668 
1.389 

56.0 
29.2 
14.8 

29 
40 
22 

31.9 
44.0 
24.1 

2,697 

1.429 

728 

55.6 
29.4 

706 

15.0 

4     Total                                      .... 

4.763 

100.0 

91 

100  0 

4.854 

100.0 

a  Remanded  means  number  of  children  detained  temporarily  at  the  rooms  of  the 
b  These  numbers  include  cases  placed  on  probation  without  remand. 

*  Counted  by  cases. 


TABLE  FOUR 

(Table  XII. — Disposition  in  Cases  of  Adjudged  Juvenile  Delinquents.* 
Report,  p.  63.) 


TOTAL 

Disposition 

Male 

FeiT 

■aie 

Total 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Placed  on  probation 

Committed  without  probation 
Fined       

748 

1,440 

508 

575 

22.8 

44.2 
155 
17-5 

13 
3i 

4 

25 .0 
59.6 

7-7 

7-7 

761 

1,480 
512 
579 

22.8 
44-4 
154 
17.4 

Total 

3,280  1 100. 0 

52 

1 00.0 

3.332 

100.0 

Counted  by  cases. 


186 


THREE 

Cases  Arraigned  During  the  Year.*     Report,  p.  57.) 


SPECIAL    PROCEEDINGS 

ALL    CASES 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

669 

1.552 

429 

25.2 
58.6 
16.2 

325 
896 
294 

21.5 
59- 1 

19.4 

994 

2.448 

723 

23  9 

58.8 
17  3 

3.337 
2,941 
1.135 

45.0 
39-7 
15  3 

354 

936 
3l6 

22.0 
58.3 
19  7 

3.691 
3.877 
1.451 

40.9 
43  0 
16. 1 

2,650 

100. 0 

1,515 

100.0 

4.165 

100. 0 

7.413 

100.0 

I.606 

100.0 

9,019 

100.0 

Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  while  case  is  being  investigated,  etc. 


TABLE  FIVE 

(Table  XIII. — Disposition  in  all  Cases  of  Special  Proceedings  where  Complaint 
was  Sustained.     Report,  p.  64.) 


TOTAL    IN    ALL    CASES 

Disposition 

Male                Female 

Total 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 

cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Committed  to  institutions       ... 
Placed  in  charge  of  probation  officers 

793 

1.253 

38.8 
61.2 

539 

751 

41.8 

58.2 

1.332 

2,004 

39-9 
60. 1 

Total 

2,046 

100.0 

1,290 

100.0 

3.336 

100.0 

.87 


TABLE 
(Table  XVI.— Ages  of  all  Children 


Ages 


JUVENILE    DELINQUENCY 


Male 


Num- 
ber 


Per 
cent 


Female 


Total 


Num- 
ber 


Per     Num- 
cent       ber 


Per 

cent 


7  years  and  under 

8  and  g  years 

10  and  1 1  years 

12  and  13  years 

14  and  1 5  years 

16  and  over  (Transferred  to  other  courts) 

Total 


16 

236 

670 

1.515 

2,322 

4 


•  4 

50 

14.1 

31.8 

48.7 

.0 


16 
243 
680 

1.544 

2,366 

5 


•4 

5-0 

14.0 

3. .8 

48.7 


4.763 


4.854 


*  Counted  by  cases. 


SIX 

Arraigned  During  the  Year.*     Report,  p.  68.) 


SPECIAL    PROCEEDINGS 

ALL 

CASES 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

581 

21  .9 

484 

32.0 

1,065 

25.6 

597 

8.1 

484 

30.2 

1,081 

12.0 

319 

12.0 

161 

10.6 

480 

11. 5 

555 

7-5 

168 

10.5 

723 

8.1 

433 

16.4 

191 

12.6 

624 

150 

1,103 

149 

201 

12.5 

1,304 

14.5 

625 

23.6 

265 

•  7-5 

890 

21.4 

2,140 

28.9 

294 

.8.3 

2,434 

26.9 

692 

26. 1 

414 

27-3 

1,106 

26.5 

3,014 
4 

40.6 
.0 

458 

28.5 
.0 

3,472 
5 

38.5 
.0 

2,650 

100.0 

i.5'5 

100.0 

4,165 

100. 0 

7,413 

100.0 

1,606 

100. 0 

9.019 

100.0 

189 


14  AND  15 


I2AND  13 


10 AND  II 


7  AND  UNDER  6  AND  © 


/ 


8.1% 


I 


75% 


14.9% 


26.9# 


40.6$ 


CHART  IV 

(Chart  XI. — Showing  Apes  of  Boys  Arraigned  During  the  Year.     Report,  p.  69.) 

Total  number  of  boys,  7,413. 


7  and  under 


14  AND  15 


I2ANDI3 


8  AND  9 


10  AND  II 


30.2$ 


10.5% 


12.5% 


18.3% 


£8.5% 


CHART  V 

(Chart  XII. — Showing  Ages  of  Girls  Arraigned  During  the  Year.    Report,  p.  69.) 

Total  number  of  girls,  1 ,606. 

(Black  indicates  Juvenile  Delinquency.     White  indicates  Special  Proceedings.) 

190 


TABLE  SEVEN 
(Table  XIV. — Single  and  Group  Delinquency.*     Report,  p.  65.) 


JUVENILE 
DELINQUENCY 

SPECIAL 
PROCEEDINGS 

TOTAL 
ALL  CASES 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Number  of  cases  where  children  were 

arraigned  singly   .      .      .      . 
Number  of  cases  arraigned  in  groups 

2,169 
1,138 
1.547 

44-7 
23-4 
31-9 

1.937 

850 
1.378 

46.5 
20.4 
33   1 

4,106 
1,988 
2.925 

45-5 
22. 1 

Number  of  cases  arraigned 
of  three  or  more 

in 

groups 

324 

4.854 

100.0 

4,165 

100.0 

9,019 

100.0 

•  Counted  by  cases. 


45.5$  ARRAIGNED  5INQLY 


Z2.\%  Arraigned  in  croups  of  two. 


32.4#  Arraigned  in  groups  of  three  or  more. 


CHART  VI 
(Chart  X. — Single  and  Group  Delinquency.    Report,  p.  65.) 


191 


TABLE 
(Table  XX. — Parental  Condition  of 


Parental  condition 


JUVENILE    DELINQUENCY 


Male 


Num- 
ber 


Per 

cent 


Female 


Num- 
ber 


Per 
cent 


Total 


Num- 
ber 


Per 
cent 


Father  dead       

Mother  dead      .  

Both  parents  dead 

Parents  separated 

Deserted  by  father 

Deserted  by  mother 

Deserted  by  both  parents  .... 
One  or  both  parents  in  prison  .  .  . 
One  or  both  parents  in  other  institutions 
Mother  not  in  America         .... 

Father  not  in  America 

Neither  parent  in  America 

None  of  above  conditions  existing    . 

Parental  condition  not  reported 

Total 


270 

<3' 

28 

14 

44 
7 
5 
2 

15 
6 
3 

1,162 


16.0 
7-8 
1.6 

8 

6 
4 
3 

1 
9 

3 


68.5 

6 


1.697 


14.6 

4-9 

2.4 

4-9 

2.4 

7o!8 


276 

133 

29 

14 

46 

7 

5 

3 

15 

6 

3 


68.7 
6 


.738 


•Counted  by  children. 

Note. — In  several  cases  two  conditions  are  reported  in  one  case. 


TABLE 
(Table  XV. — Previous 


JUVENILE    DELINQUENCY 

Male 

Female 

Total 

• 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Number  arraigned  fi 
Number    arraigned 

rst  time   .... 
who    had    previous 

3,528 
1.235 

74-i 
25.9 

90 
1 

98.9 
1 . 1 

3,618 
1.236 

74-5 
25-5 

Total 

4.763 

100.0 

91 

100.0 

4.854 

100. 0 

•Counted  by  cases. 

Note. — The  number  of  children  before  the  court  who  had  previous  records  was 


192 


EIGHT 

all  Children   Investigated.'     Report,  p.  78.) 


SPECIAL    PROCEEDINGS 

ALL    CASES 

M 

ale 

Female 

Total 

M 

ale 

Female 

Total 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

149 

176 

47 

23.1 

196 

.8.7 

419 

16.5 

53 

21.8 

472 

.6.9 

99 

11. 7 

29 

14 

4 

128 

12 

3 

230 

9.0 

3i 

12 

8 

261 

9 

5 

'9 

2-3 

8 

4 

0 

27 

2 

5 

47 

1.8 

9 

3 

7 

56 

2 

0 

17 

2.0 

'7 

1 

b 

3" 

1 .2 

3i 

1 

1 

25 

30 

2 

1 

0 

27 

2 

5 

69 

2.7 

4 

1 

6 

73 

2 

b 

5 

.6 

3 

1 

5 

8 

7 

12 

.5 

3 

1 

2 

15 

5 



4 

1 

9 

4 

4 

5 

.2 

4 

1 

6 

9 

J 

4 

•  5 

4 

4 

6 

.2 

1 

4 

7 

i 

7 

.8 

1 

5 

8 

7 

22 

•9 

1 

4 

23 

8 

6 

•  7 

.  1 

6 
1 

6 
1 

12 

4 

•  5 
.2 

12 
4 

4 
1 

507 

60.0 

104 

■H 

1 

611 

58 

5 

1,669 

65.7 

133 

54 

5 

1,802 

64 

7 

5 

.6 

5 

2 

5 

10 

9 

15 

.6 

5 

2 

0 

20 

8 

845 

100.0 

203 

100.0 

1,048 

100.0 

2,542 

100.0 

244 

100.0 

2,786 

100 

0 

NINE 

Records.*     Report,  p.  67.) 


SPECIAL    PROCEEDINGS 

ALL    CASES 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Num- 
ber 

Per 

cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

2.198 
452 

82.9 
171 

1,461 
54 

96.4 
3.6 

3.659 
506 

87.9 
12.1 

5.726 
1,687 

77-2 
22.8 

1.55. 
55 

96.6 
3-4 

7.277 
1.742 

80.7 
19  3 

2,650 

100.0 

1.51 5 !  100.0 

4.165 

IOO. 0 

7.413 

100.0 

1,606 

100.0 

9,019 

100.0 

probably  slightly  in  excess  of  the  number  shown  by  the  figures. 


193 


TABLE 
(Table  XVII. — School  and  Employment 


JUVENILE    DELINQUENCY 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Num- 
ber 

Per 
cent 

Children  in  regular  grades     . 
Children  in  special  classes 
Children  in  ungraded  classes 
Children  having  working  papers 
Children  not  in  school 

1,124 
75 
•9 

98 

35 

66.9 
4-5 
1 . 1 

20.3 
5-8 
1.5 

26 

0 
9 

63.4 

;4:6 

22.0 

1.150 

75 

•9 

345 

107 

25 

66.8 
4-4 
1 . 1 

20.0 
6.2 
'  -5 

Total 

1  680 

100.0 

41 

100. 0 

1,721 

'  Counted  by  children. 


Children  in  regular  grades 


ICHIIDREK  WITH  WORKING  PAPERS 


ICfcllDREN  IH  SPECIAL  CLASSES 

1 4-565 

ICHILOREK  IN  UNGRADED  CLASSES 

NOT  REPORTED 

CHART  VII 
(Chart  XIII. — School  and  Employment  Record  of  Children  Investigated.    Report,  p.  71.) 


194 


TEN 

Record  of  Children  Investigated.*     Report,  p.  70.) 


SPECIAL    PROCEEDINGS 

ALL   CASES 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

6.3 

73-4 

110 

55.0 

723 

69.8 

'.737 

69.0 

136 

56.4 

1,873 

679 

41 

4-9 

7 

3-5 

48 

4.6 

116 

4.6 

7 

2-9 

123 

4  5 

11 

1.3 

2 

1  .0 

13 

1   3 

30 

1 .2 

3 

.8 

32 

1 .2 

III 

13.3 

53 

36.5 

164 

15.8 

450 

17.9 

59 

24- 5 

509 

18. s 

46 

5-5 

•  4 

7.0 

60 

5-8 

■44 

5-7 

23 

9.6 

.67 

6.0 

U 

1-7 

■  4 

70 

38 

37 

39 

1.6 

•4 

5-8 

53 

1.9 

836 

100.0 

200 

100.0 

1,036 

100. 0 

2,516 

100. 0 

241 

100.0 

2.757 

100.0 

TABLE   ELEVEN 
(Table  XXVII. — General  Summary  of  Probation.*     Report,  p.  84.) 


juvenile 
delinquency 

SPECIAL 
PROCEEDINGS 

ALL  CASES 

Male 

Fe- 
male 

Total 

Male 

Fe- 
male 

Total 

Male 

Fe- 
male 

40 
220 
172 

88 

Total 

Number  pending  on  pro- 
bation. Jan.  i,  1913    . 

Number  placed  on  proba- 
tion during  year 

Number  whose  probation 
terminated  during  year 

Number  pending  Dec.  3 1 , 
<9'3 

39' 
1,386 
1,278 

499 

40 
36 
55 
21 

43" 
1,422 
1,333 

520 

720 
501 

219 

184 
117 

67 

904 
618 
286 

39' 
2,106 
1,779 

718 

43i 
2,326 
i,95i 

806 

'  Counted  by  cases. 


195 


TABLE 
(Table  XXVIII.— Age  of  Children  Placed  on 


Age 


JUVENILE    DELINQUENCY 


Male 


Num- 
ber 


Per 

cent 


Female 


Num- 
ber 


Per 

cent 


Total 


Num- 
ber 


Per 
cent 


7  Years  and  under 

8  and  9  years   . 
10  and  11  years 
12  and  13  years 
14  and  15  years 

16  years  and  over    . 
Not  stated    . 

Total      .      .      . 


8? 
206 

486 
584 


1386 


36 


4 

86 

21 1 

498 

600 


•  3 
6.0 

14.8 
35.0 

42.2 


1  Counted  by  cases. 


Length  of  probation 


TABLE 
(Table  XXX.— Duration  of  Probation, 


JUVENILE    DELINQUENCY 


Male 


Num- 
ber 


2  months  and  under 

3  months     . 

4  months     . 

5  months     . 

6  months     . 

7  months     . 

8  months     . 

9  months     . 

10  months     . 

1 1  months     . 

12  months  and  over 

Total      .      .      . 


28S 
190 
97 
43 
34 
19 
'4 


Per 

cent 


2S-4 

18.0 

23.4 

I  5-4 

7-9 

3-5 


Female 


Num- 
ber 


Per 

cent 


Total 


Num- 
ber 


320 
225 
296 

98 
43 
34 

19 
14 
5 


Per 
cent 


25-5 

18.0 

23.6 

15-3 

7-8 

3  4 

2.7 

1.5 

•  4 

•7 


IC)6 


TWELVE 

Probation  During  1913.*     Report,  p.  85.) 


SPECIAL    PROCEEDINGS 

ALL    CASES 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Male 

Female 

'lotal 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

9 

1 .2 

2 

1  . 1 

1 1 

i  .2 

13 

.6 

2 

■  9 

15 

.6 

58 

8.1 

6 

3  3 

04 

7-1 

141 

6.7 

9 

4   1 

150 

6.4 

142 

19.7 

9 

4.8 

151 

16.7 

348 

lb. 5 

14 

6.4 

362 

156 

234  1  32-5 

39 

21 .2 

273 

30.1 

720 

34.2 

51 

23.1 

771 

33  2 

269     37.3 

126 

68.5 

395 

43-8 

853 

40.6 

142 

64.6 

995 

42.7 

1  1        .2 

2 

1 . 1 

3 

3 

1 1 

•  5 

2 

•  9 

13 

.6 

7  1      i-o 

7 

.8 

20 

•9 

20 

•  9 

720  1 100.0 

1 

184 

100.0 

904 

1 00.0 

2,106 

100.0 

220 

100.0 

2,326 

100.0 

THIRTEEN 

Cases  Ended  During  1913.     Report,  p.  88.) 


SPECIAL    PROCEED 

INGS 

ALL    CASES 

M 

ale 

Female 

To 

al 

Male 

Female 

Total 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

Num- 

Per 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

ber 

cent 

169 

26.2 

38 

253 

207 

26.0 

481 

25-7 

46 

26.4 

527 

25-7 

138 

21.4 

28 

18.6 

166 

20.9 

358 

191 

33 

19.0 

39i 

19.I 

137 

21 .2 

26 

17-3 

163 

20.5 

425 

22.7 

34 

■  9  4 

459 

22.4 

64 

9-8 

10 

6.7 

74 

9  3 

254 

13-5 

12 

6.9 

266 

130 

59 

9l 

16 

10.7 

75 

9-4 

156 

8-3 

17 

9.6 

173 

8.5 

31 

48 

1 1 

74 

42 

5-3 

74 

3  9 

1  1 

6.4 

85 

4  1 

15 

2.4 

5 

3  3 

20 

2.5 

49 

2.6 

5 

2.9 

54 

2.6 

10 

1.6 

5 

3  3 

15 

'■9 

29 

1  -5 

5 

2-9 

34 

1  7 

6 

•9 

3 

2.0 

9 

1 .2 

20 

1  .1 

3 

1.8 

33 

1  . 1 

6 

•9 

6 

4.0 

12 

I.J 

1 1 

.6 

6 

3-5 

17 

.8 

10 

1.6 

2 

1.4 

12 

1-5 

18 

1 .0 

2 

1 .2 

20 

1 .0 

64; 

100.0 

150 

100.0 

795 

100.0 

■,875 

100.0 

174 

100.0 

2,049* 

100.0 

197 


^MONTHS 
ANOUNDEH 

3  MONTHS 

4  MONTHS 

5  MONTHS 

6  MONTHS 
7M0NTHS 


U/Z 


8  MONTHS   J/^?-6% 
9M0NTH6   |/7# 

10  MONTHS  |//^ 

11  MONTHS  |.<£# 

12  MONTHS   B/^f 
AMD  OVER,    B*-** 

CHART   VIII 
(Chart  XVII. — Duration  of  Probation.    Report,  p.  89.) 


I98 


TABLE    FOURTEEN 
(Table  XXXI. — Volume  of  Business  Before  Court  During  1913.     Report,  p.  89.) 


Month 


NEW      CASES 


Num- 
ber 


January 

February       .... 

March 

April 

May 

June 
uly 

August 

September    .... 

October 

November     .... 
December     .... 

Total      .... 
Average  number  of  cases 
per  day 


1,060 
635 
766 
834 
88a 
786 

644 
728 
786 
694 
589 


Per 

cent 


11.8 

K 
9-3 

g8 
8.7 
6.8 
71 
8.1 
8.7 
7-7 
6.5 


CASES      REARRAIGNED 


Num- 
ber 


1.337 
595 
1,013 
1,141 
1,410 
1,142 
1.039 
I,H5 
990 
1,349 
1,166 
'.335 


Per 

cent 


TOTAL  CASES 


Num- 
ber 


2.397 
■  ,230 
1.779 
1.975 
2,292 
1,928 
1,654 
1.759 
1,718 
2,135 
1,860 
1.924 


Per 

cent 


9,019 


13,632 


22,651 


75 


199 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Abattoirs  on  West  Side:  loca- 
tion of,  3 

Acquittal:  in  children's  court, 
92 

Adenoids:  in  court  cases  studied, 
90 

Ages  of  Boys  Studied,  167 

American-born  Parents  of 
Boys:  nationality  of,  7,  169 

Anthony,  Katharine:  Mothers 
Who  Must  Earn,  cited,  7, 

59.  141 

Arrests  of  Boys:  court  disposi- 
tion of  cases  involving,  92- 
95,  97,  172;  for  trivial  of- 
fenses, 18,  19;  for  trivial  of- 
fenses, elimination  of,  pref- 
erable to  cursory  treat- 
ment in  court,  107;  mis- 
taken, 97,  98;  offenses  in 
463  cases,  according  to  court 
charges,  82;  offenses  in  463 
cases,  as  classified  by  Bu- 
reau of  Social  Research,  16, 
17;  previous,  failure  of 
faulty  court  records  to  show, 
90 

Assault:  boys  arrested  for,  ac- 
cording to  court  charges, 
82;  boys  arrested  for,  ac- 
cording to  classification  of 
Bureau  of  Social  Research, 
17;  penal  law  regarding, 
cited,  81 ;  street  fighting  and, 
37 

Background  of  the  West  Side 
Boy,  1-9 

Bail:  seldom  demanded  at 
S.  P.  C.  C.  headquarters, 
89;  when  not  required,  in 
cases  of  juvenile  delinquency, 


Ball  Playing:  illegality  of,  37. 

See  Baseball 
Balls:  on  West  Side,  154 
Baseball:  on  the  West  Side,  29, 

30,  31,  32,  33 
Begging:    by    children    whose 

mothers    are    "harborers," 

73 ;  by  West  Side  boys,  1 5 1 
Big  Brother  Movement:  as  a 

source  of  names  of  boys,  167; 

probation  work  of,  86,  87 
Bonfires:    boys'    fondness    for, 

25,  26;  stealing  wood  for,  as 

a  cause  of  gang  warfare,  48 
Boss,  The:  and   the  children's 

court,  88,  89 
Boxing:  on  the  West  Side,  29, 

33.  34.  35.  36 

Boy  from  Another  State:  on 
West  Side,  case  of,  22 

Boy  Scout  Movement:  illus- 
trates possibilities  in  gang 
for  good,  40 

Boys,  West  Side:  ages  of  those 
studied,  167;  and  the  court, 
79-140;  background  of,  1-9; 
court  disposition  of  cases  in- 
volving arrests  of,  95,  172, 
173;  drinking  by,  146,  147; 
fighting  by,  143,  144;  gain- 
fully employed,  occupation 
and  wages  of,  175;  games  of, 
24-38;  gang  life  of,  39~54: 
growth  in  lawlessness  of,  15; 
homes  of,  55-78;  lack  of 
stamina  of,  156;  not  ar- 
rested, who  were  included 
in  study  of  delinquents,  95; 
not  gainfully  employed, 
status  of,  174;  not  properly 
delinquent,  95,  99,  100;  of- 
fenses of,  largely  excusable, 
18;  offenses  in  463  cases  of 


203 


INDEX 


arrest  of,  1 6,  17,  82;  play- 
ground of,  10-23;  recreation 
of,  beyond  control  of  family, 
77;  scope  of  study  of  de- 
linquency of,  94,  95;  sexual 
immorality  of,  154;  smoking 
by,  145;  sources  from  which 
names  of  those  studied  were 
obtained,  i67,spendings  and 
earnings  of,  68,  69;  stealing 
by,  141,  142;  successful  in- 
stitution cases  among,  127, 
128;  truancy  of,  148-151; 
truancy  records  of,  classified 
as  delinquent  or  not  delin- 
quent, 173;  two  types  of, 
'57.  159;  wanderlust  of,  151- 
154;  who  are  brought  into 
court,  87-95;  who  are  let 
go,  95-107;  who  are  paroled, 
107-116;  who  are  "sent 
up,"  117-138 

Boys'  Republic:  George  Ruhl 
sent  to  a,  1 58 

Bransfields:  reputation  of,  112 

Breweries  on  West  Side:  loca- 
tion of,  3 

"Bruisers":  rather  than  real 
prize  fighters  furnish  ex- 
ample to  West  Side  boy,  36 

Budget,  Family:  often  inade- 
quate to  cover  requisites  for 
healthy  growth,  60 

Burckel,  James:  value  of  neigh- 
borhood testimony  in  case 
of,  112 

Bureau  of  Social  Research: 
offenses  in  463  cases  of  arrest 
as  classified  by,  16,  17 

Burglary:  and  unlawful  entry, 
penal  law  regarding,  81;  ar- 
rest of  boys  for,  1 7,  82 

Burns,  Joey:  who  had  not  been 
in  court,  98 

Caliban    of   the    West    Side: 

and  his  Setebos,  80 
Carson,  Mr.:  parole  of  Jimmie 

to,  150 


Cartwright,  O.  G.:  The  Middle 
West  Side,  cited,  4,  6 

Catesby,  Mrs.:  case  of,  72,  73 

Catholic  Ladies'  Committee: 
probation  work  of,  85,  86 

Catholic  Probation  League: 
work  of,  85 

Catholic  Protectory:  children 
received  by,  118,  119;  com- 
mitment by  children's  court 
to,  94 

Central  Presbyterian 
Church:  Big  Brother  move- 
ment in,  86 

Charitable  Institutions: 
commitment  by  children's 
court  to,  94 

Charitable  Societies.  See  Re- 
lief Records;  Relief  Societies 

Charity  Organization  Society: 
as  a  source  of  names  of  boys, 
167 

Chicago:  probation  cases  and 
officers  in,  87 

Child  Labor  Law:  arrests  for 
violation  of,  in  children's 
court,  82 

Child  Welfare  Exhibit,  New 
York:  Handbook  cited,  on 
trivial  offenses,  95 

Children  :  number  of,  in  families 
studied,  58,  170 

Children,  Neglected:  chil- 
dren's court  commits  to 
charitable  institutions,  94 

Children's  Court,  Manhattan: 
as  viewed  by  West  Side  boy 
and  his  parents,  80;  descrip- 
tion of  growth,  equipment, 
and  processes  of,  80-84;  dis- 
position of  cases  in,  92,  93, 
94,  172,  173;  hearings  in, 
cursory  and  hurried,  97,  105, 
106,  107;  investigation  in, 
90,91,92,  1 10;  judges  of,  83; 
parole  system  of,  107-116; 
probation  cases  and  officers 
of,  87;  progress  made  in, 
since   19 10,  79,  83,  87,  90, 


204 


INDEX 


III,  1 20;  records  in,  con- 
sulted in  study  of  commit- 
ment cases,  118;  records  in, 
faulty,  90;  records  in,  new 
system  of,  90,  111;  records 
in,  samples  quoted,  110,  1 1 1 ; 
reputed  influence  of  "boss" 
in,  88,  89;  summary  of  re- 
sults of  action  by,  in  cases 
studied,  138-140;  things 
needed  to  increase  effective- 
ness of,  107,  140;  trials  in, 
average  time  given  to  each, 
83.  See  also  Juvenile  Court; 
Juvenile  Delinquency;  Pro- 
bation 

Children's  Courts:  where  de- 
fects corrected  in  Manhat- 
tan still  exist,  79 

Church:  among  sources  from 
which  boys'  names  obtained 
for  study,  167 

Church,  A  Deserted:  on  West 
Side,  3 

Churches:  not  consulted  in 
court  investigations,  1 14; 
probation  work  of,  85-87 

Cigarettes:  boys'  demand  for, 
142,  145 

Civil  Service  Commission, 
New  York  Municipal:  re- 
fusal of,  to  declare  positions 
of  physicians  for  children's 
court  exempt,  140 

Club  Studies:  as  a  source  of 
names  of  boys,  167 

Coal  and  Wood:  theft  of,  a 
matter  of  course  on  West 
Side,  18,  141 

Coal  Yards  on  West  Side:  lo- 
cation of,  3 

Comedy,  MEREDiTHMN:on  West 
Side,  161 

Commission  to  Inquire  Into 
the  Courts  of  Inferior 
Criminal  Jurisdiction  in 
Cities  of  the  First  Class. 
See  Page  Commission 

Commitment,  Court:  considera- 


tions that  guide  judge  in  de- 
termining on,  1 19;  different 
attitudes  of  parents  toward, 
124-126;  during  parole,  in 
cases  studied,  1 16;  effective- 
ness of,  117,  137,  138,  139; 
frequently  made  on  insuffi- 
cient evidence,  119,  120;  in- 
stitutions to  which  made, 
94,  1 1 8-1 19;  length  of,  com- 
pared with  length  of  parole 
period,  109;  theory  of,  117 

Committed  Cases:  absence  of 
investigation  in,  1 19;  scope 
and  method  of  study  of,  1 18; 
where  sentence  a  serious  er- 
ror, 120,  121 

"Committed  for  One  Day  to 
the  Parental  Care  of 
John  Ward,"  93,  96 

Concealed  Weapons:  carrying 
of,  among  boys,  45 

Conjugal  Condition  :  of  parents 
of  boys,  171 

Coogan,  Patrick:  and  his  court 
experience,  98 

"Cops,"  "Dinnys,"  and  "Ger- 
rys"  on  West  Side,  13 

Corrections,  Department  of: 
former  building  of,  used  as 
children's  court,  83 

Coulter,  Ernest  K.:  Big 
Brother  movement  initiated 
by,  86 

Country  of  Birth:  of  parents  of 
boys,  168 

Court  Disposition:  of  cases  of 
boys  studied,  172,  173.  See 
Children's  Court 

Court,  Getting  Into,  87-95. 
See  Children's  Court 

Court,  Juvenile:  lack  of  re- 
spect for,  among  boys,  19, 
20.    See  Children's  Court 

Court  List:  names  of  boys  ob- 
tained from,  167 

Court  of  Special  Sessions: 
children's  court  part  of 
the,  83.    See  Children' 's  Court 


205 


INDEX 


Cowardice:  among  West  Side 
gangs,  52,  53,  54 

Craps,  Shooting:  a  year  round 
amusement  on  West  Side, 
28;  leads  to  arrest  for  ob- 
structing sidewalks,  37 

Criminal  Record:  of  Middle 
West  Side,  8,  13,  19 

Criminal  Tendency:  spirit  of 
youth  forced  to  become  a, 
38 

Cruelty  of  West  Side  Boys, 

157 


Dances:  among  amusements  of- 
fered to  West  Side  boy,  1 54 

Dark  Rooms:  common  on  West 
Side,  56 

"Death  Avenue,"  4 

Delinquency  of  Boys:  bail  in 
cases  of,  88;  scope  of  study 
of,  94,  95.  See  Juvenile  De- 
linquency 

Delinquent  Boys;  those  studied 
who  were  not  properly  so 
called,  95,  99,  ioo,  173 

Delinquents:  commitment  of, 
by  children's  court,  to  re- 
formatories, 94 

Detention  Home  of  Society 
for  the  Prevention  of 
Cruelty  to  Children,  8. 
See  Society  for  the  Prevention 
of  Cruelty  to  Children 

De  Witt  Clinton  Park:  de- 
scribed, 4,  5;  the  only  park 
on  Middle  West  Side,  10 

Diamond  Laundry:  Matty  Gil- 
more  and  the,  104 

"Dinnys,"  "Cops,"  and  "Ger- 
rys"  on  West  Side,  13 

Discharge:  of  boys  against 
whom  no  evidence  found, 
96.    See  also  Dismissal 

Discharges:  following  parole,  in 
cases  studied,  1 16 

Discipline:  meted  out  to  the 
boy,  70,  71 


Dismissal  for  Insufficient 
Evidence:  in  children's 
court,  92 

Disorderly  Child:  boys  arrest- 
ed as,  according  to  court 
charges,  82;  penal  law  re- 
garding, 81 

Disorderly  Conduct:  boys  ar- 
rested for,  82 

Disposition  of  Children's 
Court  Cases,  92-95,  97, 
172.    See  Children's  Court 

Docks:  attraction  of,  for  the 
boy,  20;  baseball  on  the,  33. 
See  also  Quays 

Donnelly,  Martin:  a  "success- 
ful" institution  case,  127 

Dooley,  Mrs.:  and  her  Joseph, 

7i 
Doyle,  Dennis:  stone  throwing 

by,  15,  129 
Doyle,  Mrs.:  and  her  five  boys, 

128 
Doyle,    Patrick:    delinquency 

record  of,  130,  131,  1 32 
Doyle,   Raymond:  delinquency 

record  of,  129,  130,  131,  132, 

134 
Draft  Riots:  typical  of  West 

Sider's  temper,  7 
Drinking:    among    West    Side 

boys,  146 
Drunkenness:     among     West 

Side  boys,  146,  147 
"  Dumb-bell"  Tenements: 

common  on  West  Side,   56 


Earnings   and    Spendings:   of 

the  West  Side  boy,  68,  69 
East    Side    and    West    Side: 

compared,  6,  7 
Education  Law,  Compulsory: 

boys  arrested  for  violations 

of,  82 
Eighth  Avenue:  characteristics 

of,  2 
Election  Night  Bonfires,  26. 

See  also  Bonfires 


206 


INDEX 


Eleventh  Avenue:  character- 
istics of,  3,  4 

Employed  and  Unemployed 
Boys,  174,  175 

Employers:  statements  from,  in 
parole  cases,  1 10,  113 

Employment:  low  grade,  sought 
by  West  Side  boys,  1 59 

English  Parentage:  of  parents 
of  boys,  8 

Environment:  influence  of,  1 

Equity  Powers:  needed  by  chil- 
dren's court,  140 

Eyes:  bad,  in  court  cases  stud- 
ied, 90;  neglect  to  care  for, 
60 

Families  of  Boys  Studied:  con- 
jugal condition  of  parents 
in,  59,  171;  country  of  birth 
and  nationality  of  parents 
in,  168,  169;  different  atti- 
tudes of,  toward  commit- 
ment, 124-126;  length  of 
residence  in  district  of,  1, 
168;  number  involved  in 
delinquency  study,  94;  num- 
ber of  children  in,  58,  170; 
persons  in  households  of,  and 
rooms  occupied  by,  169; 
relief  records  of,  171,  172; 
statements  from,  secured  in 
study  of  commitment  cases, 
118;  status  of  mothers  in, 
170;  varying  types  repre- 
sented among,  59 

Families,  West  Side:  typical 
day  of  housewife  in,  58,  59. 
See  also  Mothers;  Parents 

Family  From  Another  State: 
on  West  Side,  case  of  boy  in, 
22 

Family  Quarrels:  in  a  "model" 
tenement,  58 

Fathers  of  Boys  Studied:  ab- 
sence of,  as  a  cause  of  de- 
linquency, 125;  American- 
born,  nationality  of,  7,  169; 
conjugal  condition  of,    171; 


country  of  birth  of,  7,  168; 
influence  of,  in  family  life,  61 . 
See  also  Parents 
Feeble-mindedness:  back  of 
some  court  cases  studied,  90. 
See  also  Mental  Examina- 
tion 
Ferry    Rides   to   Jersey:    the 

"sneaking"  of,  150 
"Fetes"  on  West  Side,  154 
Feuds  on  West  Side,  143,  144 
Fighting:  and  boxing  not  neces- 
sarily   associated,    34-    be- 
tween  gangs  of  West   Side 
boys,  45-53;  street,  and  as- 
sault, 37;  with  fists  on  West 
Side,    143.     See   also   Pri;e 
Fighting;  Boxing 
Fines:  in  children's  court  cases, 

93.96 

Fire-arms:  arrest  of  boys  for  use 
of,  17.    See  also  Weapons 

Fire  Pots,  25,  26 

Folks,  Homer:  quoted  on  pa- 
role, 85 

Food:  adulterated  and  damaged, 
commonly  sold  on  West 
Side,  75 

Fuel:  theft  of,  regarded  as  a 
matter  of  course  on  West 
Side,  141 


Games  of  the  West  Side  Boy, 
24-38 

Gang:  a  typical,  history  of,  40, 
41;  responsibility  of,  for 
lawlessness  of  West  Side 
boy,  39;  synonymous  with 
worst  side  of  boy  life  on 
West  Side,  54 

Gang  Fights:  among  boy*  on 
West  Side,  45-53 

Gang  Life:  salient  features  of, 

42,  43.  44 
Garbage    Disposal    Pier:     on 

Twelfth  Avenue,  5 
Gas  Tanks:  location  of,  on  West 

Side,  3 


207 


INDEX 


Gates,  Mrs.:  and  her  Jimmy, 
64,65 

German  Element:  on  Middle 
West  Side,  7 

German  Parentage:  of  Ameri- 
can-born parents  of  boys, 
7,8 

Germany:  parents  of  boys  born 
in,  7 

"Gerry  Men":  dreaded  more 
than  the  court,  90;  unpopu- 
larity of,  on  West  Side,  13 

Gilmore,  Matty:  case  of,  103, 
104 

"Gopher  Gang,"  42 

Great  Kill  Swamp,  4 

Guardianship,  Improper  :among 
offenses  leading  to  arrest  of 
boys,  16;  arraignment  of 
children  for,  81;  boys  ar- 
rested for,  according  to 
court  charges,  82;  child  dis- 
missed under  onecharge  may 
be  returned  for,  92;  warrants 
issued  in  cases  of,  94 

Haggerty,  Mrs.:  her  system  of 

discipline,  70 
Hallways:  boys'  use  of,  20,  21 
Hannon,  Mrs.:  and  the  "boss" 

in  court,  88,  89 
"  H arborers  " :  mothers  who  are, 

73 
Harris,  Charlie:  stories  about, 

•57 

Hawthorne  School:  Big  Broth- 
er work  for  boys  paroled 
from,  87;  commitment  by 
children's  court  to,  94.  See 
also  Jewish  Protectory 

Health  Conditions:  involved 
in  court  cases  studied,  90 

Hearings  at  Children's  Court: 
cursory  and  hurried,  97,  105, 
106,  107.    See  also  Trials 

Home  Conditions  :  in  court  cases 
studied,  90 

Home  of  the  West  Side  Boy, 
55-78 


House  of  Good  Shepherd:  ex- 
treme cases  of  delinquent 
girls  sent  to,  1 19 

House  of  Mercy:  Protestant 
girls  sent  to,  119 

House  of  Refuge:  and  Jewish 
Big  Brother  movement,  87; 
class  of  cases  received  by, 
119;  commitment  by  chil- 
dren's court  to,  94 

Housewife  of  West  Side:  day 
of  the,  58,  59 

Housing  Conditions  on  West 
Side,  56,  57,  58 

Hudson  River  Railroad:  fran- 
chise of,  an  anomaly,  4 

Husbands,  Shiftless:  treat- 
ment of,  by  their  wives,  63, 
64 


Immorality,  Sexual:  among 
West  Side  boys,  154-156 

Institution  Cases:  successful, 
127,  128 

Institutions:  no  critical  exami- 
nation made  of,  117,  118; 
to  which  children's  court 
commits,  94,  118,  119.  See 
also  Commitment 

Insurance  Companies:  and  win- 
dow glass  on  West  Side,  1 5 

Intoxication:  among  West  Side 
boys,  146;  as  a  cause  of 
arrest  of  boys,  17 

Investigation:  in  children's 
court,  before  disposition  of 
case,  90,  91,  92;  in  commit- 
ment of  cases  studied,  ab- 
sence of,  119;  in  parole 
cases,  how  maat,  110-114; 
rewards  for,  a  light  form  of 
punishment,  97 

Ireland:  parents  of  boys  born 
in,  7 

Irish:  of  Middle  West  Side,  7 

Irish  Parentage:  of  parents  of 
boys,  8 

Italy:  parents  of  boys  born  in,  7 


208 


INDEX 


"Jersey":  "sneaking"  ferry  rides 
to,  150 

Jewish  Big  Brother  Move- 
ment: probation  work  of, 
86,87 

Jewish  Protectory  and  Aid 
Society:  probation  work  of, 
86.  See  also  Hawthorne 
School 

Jimmy:  who  was  caught  "when 
he  wasn't  doin'  anything 
bad,"  19 

Judges  in  Children's  Court: 
attitude  of  boys  toward,  20, 
80;  formerly  and  at  present, 
83.  See  also  Children's 
Court 

Juvenile  Asylum:  commitment 
by  children's  court  to,  94, 
119 

Juvenile  Court:  boys'  con- 
tempt for  judges  in,  20; 
understanding  of  neighbor- 
hood conditions  essential  in 
estimating  work  of,  9.  See 
also  Children's  Court 

Juvenile  Delinquency:  a  prod- 
uct of  conditions  in  homes 
and  on  streets,  140;  as  de- 
fined in  New  York,  80,  81; 
need  of  equity  powers  by 
court  dealing  with,  140 

Juvenile  Delinquents:  history 
of  probation  system  for,  in 
New  York,  84-87 

Juvenile  Offenders:  consider- 
ation of  background  essen- 
tial to  study  of,  1 

Juvenile  Probation  in  New 
York:  Homer  Folks,  quoted, 
85 

Kite  Flying:  on  West  Side,  28 

Larceny,  Grand  and  Petty: 
boys  arrested  for,  82;  penal 
law  regarding,  81 

Larrabie,  John:  and  the  organ- 
grinder,  129,  134 


Lawyers:  extent  to  which  in- 
volved in  proceedings  of 
children's  court,  91 

"Lickings":  place  of,  in  chil- 
dren's court  scheme,  93 

"Loitering":  as  an  offense 
against  the  law,  37 

Lumber  Yards  on  West  Side: 
location  of,  3 


McCarthy,  Mrs.:  and  her 
worthless  husband,  64 

McGratty,  Joseph:  case  of,  133 

Machine  Shops  on  West  Side: 
location  of,  3 

Macy,  Mrs.:  a  minder  of  chil- 
dren at  twelve,  62 

Mail,  Evening,  New  York: 
quoted  on  vandalism  on 
West  Side,  144 

Mallory,  Hugh:  case  of,  101, 
102 

Mallory,  Mrs.:  her  strong  and 
weak  points  as  a  mother,  102 

Manhattan  Children's  Court. 
See  Children's  Court 

Marbles:  games  played  with, 
on  West  Side,  24;  may  lead 
to  arrest  for  obstructing 
sidewalk,  37 

Meals:  irregularity  of,  in  fam- 
ilies of  boys,  75 

Mental  Concentration:  im- 
possible to  West  Side  boy, 
156 

Mental  Examination:  need  of, 
and  arrangements  for,  in 
children's  court  cases,  140 

Meredithian  Comedy  on  West 
Side,  161 

Mischief  and  Annoyance:  ar- 
rest of  boys  for  offenses  of, 

•7 

Misdemeanors:  penal  law  re- 
garding, 81 

"Model"  Tenement:  a  social 
worker's  testimony  regard- 
ing family  brawls  in  a,  58 


2(X) 


INDEX 


Money:  boys'  ways  of  getting, 

Moral  Stamina:  lacking  in 
West  Side  boy,  156 

Morally  Depraved:  boys  ar- 
rested as  in  danger  of  being, 
according  to  court  charges,82 

Moran,  Johnnie:  story,  161,  162 

Moran,  John  and  Michael: 
delinquency  records  of,  121- 
124 

Moran,  Mrs.:  and  her  "ways  of 
finding  out,"  66;  character 
of,  121 

Mothers    of     Boys    Studied: 
absence     of,     a     cause    of 
delinquency,  125;  American- 
born,  nationality  of,  7,  169 
conjugal  condition  of,   171 
country  of  birth  of,  7,  168, 
court    experiences    of,    105, 
106;  problems  and  types  of, 
55,     61-74,     76-78;     state- 
ments of,  secured  by  parole 
officer,  no;  status  of,   170. 
See  also  Parents 
Moving  Picture  Shows:  among 
amusements    offered     West 
Side  boy,  1 54;  desire  of  boys 
for,    incites    to    theft,    142; 
opinions  of  mothers  regard- 
ing, 68 
Muller,  Charlie:  case  of,  131, 

132,  133 
Murphy,     Denny:    wanderings 
of,  152-154 

Names  of  Boys:  those  used  fic- 
titious 

Nationality:  of  American-born 
parents  of  boys,  7,  169;  of 
parents  of  boys  studied,  7. 
See  also  Country  of  Birth 

Neighbors:  statements  from, 
included  in  study  of  com- 
mitment cases,  1 18;  state- 
ments of,  obtained  by  parole 
officer,  110;  value  of  testi- 
mony of,  112 


New  York  Central.  See  Hud- 
son River  Railroad 

New  York  Children's  Court. 
See  Children's  Court 

New  York  City  Probation 
System.     See  Probation 

New  York  Juvenile  Asylum: 
commitment  by  children's 
court  to,  94,  1 19 

Newspapers,  New  York: 
quoted,  49,  50,  144,  161 

Ninth  Avenue:  characteristics 
of,  2 

Nourishment:  available  in  West 
Side  families,  often  inade- 
quate, 60 

Nutrition,  Infant:  ignorance 
regarding,  in  West  Side  fami- 
lies, 75 

Obstructing  the  Sidewalks: 
games  which  lead  to  arrest 
for,  37 

Occupation  and  Wages:  of 
boys  gainfully  employed,  175 

Offenses:  due  to  play,  enumer- 
ated, 37 

Offenses  in  463  Cases  of  Ar- 
rest of  Boys:  according  to 
court  charges,  82;  as  classi- 
fied by  Bureau  of  Social  Re- 
search, 16,  17 

Offenses  of  Boys:  serious,  few 
arrests  for,  19;  to  which  ar- 
rests due,  largely  excusable, 
18 

Offenses  of  Children:  for 
which  bail  is  not  required, 
88;  still  registered  according 
to  law  violated,  81;  trivial, 
proportion  of,  according  to 
Handbook  of  Child  Wel- 
fare Exhibit,  95 

"Paddy's  Market,"  2 

PageCommission  improvements 
in  children's  court  recom- 
mended by,  84 


2IO 


INDEX 


Parents  of  Boys:  conjugal  con- 
dition of,  171;  country  of 
birth  of,  7,  168;  different 
attitudes  of,  towaid  commit- 
ment of  children,  124-126; 
nationality  of  American- 
born,  7,  169;  responsibility 
of,  for  misdemeanors  of  sons, 
56;  value  of  testimony  of, 
112.  See  also  Families; 
Father;  Mother 

Parents,  Parole  in  Custody 
of.    See  Parole 

Parks:  none  except  De  Witt 
Clinton  on  Middle  West 
Side,  10.  See  De  Witt 
Clinton  Park 

Parole:  and  probation  in  New 
York,  85;  correct  meaning 
of  term,  107;  outcome  of,  in 
cases  studied,  115,  116; 
period  of,  109;  system  of,  in 
Manhattan  Children's  Court, 
93,  107-1 16 

Parole  Card:  form  of,  108 

Paroled  Cases:  final  disposi- 
tion of,  173;  study  of,  107- 
116 

Parties  and  Dances:  on  West 
Side,  154 

Pay  Envelope:  boy's  duty  re- 
garding, as  viewed  by  com- 
munity, 68 

Peddling  Without  License: 
penal  law  regarding,  81 

Penal  Law:  juvenile  delin- 
quency according  to  the,  80, 
81 

People's  Institute:  new  work 
on    West    Side   undertaken 

by.  5 

Perversion,     Sexual:    among 

West  Side  boys,  1 5  5 
Physical  Examination:  needed 

in   many  cases   brought   to 

children's  court,  140 
Physical    Stamina:   lacking  in 

West  Side  boy,  1 56 


Piano  Factories:  on  West  Side, 

location  of,  3 
Picking     Pockets:     arrest     of 

boys  for,  17 
Piers  Owned  by  City:  and  their 

uses,  5 
Pigeon  Flying:  as  a  West  Side 
sport,  28,  29;   disapproved 
by  mothers,  67 
Pitching  Pennies:  a  year  round 
amusement   on   West   Side, 
28;  may  lead   to  arrest  for 
obstructing  sidewalk,  37 
Play:   offenses   due    to,    among 
those    for    which    boys    ar- 
rested, 16 
Playground:  of  West  Side  boy, 

10-23 
Plunkett  of  Tammany  Hall: 

quoted,  89 
Police:  attitude  of,  toward  boys' 
offenses,   18;  boys'    antago- 
nism to,  explained,  12;  fires 
extinguished   by,  25;  situa- 
tion    regarding,     on     West 
Side,  13,  14,  15,  16,  19 
Police     Sergeant:     discretion 
permitted  to,  regarding  bail, 
88 
Political    "Boss":    and    chil- 
dren's court,  88,  89 
Poolrooms:  on  West  Side,  154 
Post-graduate  Hospital:  clinic 
conducted      by     Dr.     Max 
Schlapp  at,  140 
Poverty:  in  West  Side  homes, 
60,    61.      See    also    Relief 
Records 
Prison  Association,  New  York: 
first   probation   bill  as  pre- 
pared by,  84 
Prize  Fighting:  and  the  West 

Side  boy,  33,  34,  35,  36 
Probation:  and  parole,  in  chil- 
dren's court,  85,  107;  class 
of  boys  for  whom  likely  to 
be  most  effective,  103 
Probation  Agencies,  Vol- 
unteer: history  and  scope 


211 


INDEX 


of,  85-87;  part  played  by,  in 
first  court  experience  of  boy, 
92;  proportion  of  paroled 
cases  studied  that  were 
under  care  of,  115 

Probation  Commission  of 
State  of  New  York:  report 
of,  quoted,  84 

Probation  Law,  First:  in  New 
York,  84 

Probation  Officers,  Official: 
in  New  York,  appointment 
and  numbers  of,  87;  pre- 
liminary investigation  by,  90 

Probation  Staff:  an  adequate 
and  efficient,  needed,  107 

Probation  Work:  essentials  to 
efficient,  139 

Property:  antagonism  between 
sport  and  the  rights  of,  37, 
38;  destruction  of,  on  West 
Side,  144;  offenses  against, 
leading  to  arrest  of  boys,  17, 
82 

Push  Cart  Vendors:  on  Ninth 
Avenue,  2 


Quays:  as  a  field  for  baseball, 
32.    See  also  Docks 


Rafferty,  Joe  and  Harry: 
cases  of,  135,  136,  137;  gang 
associates  and  adventures 
of,  129,  133,  134 

Rafferty,  Mrs.:  case  of,  135 

Railroad  and  Appurtenances: 
boys  arrested  for  injury  to, 
82 

"Railroad"  Tenements:  com- 
mon on  West  Side,  56 

Rearrests  Following  Parole: 
in  cases  studied,  1 16 

Records  in  Children's  Court: 
old  and  new,  90,  1 1 1 

Recreation:  of  West  Side  boy, 
beyond  control  of  family,  77 


Recreation  Activities:  on 
Middle  West  Side,  and  the 
People's   Institute,   5 

Recreation  Pier:  on  Twelfth 
Avenue,  5 

"Red":  and  his  wanderings  with 
Denny  Murphy,  152-154 

Reformatories:  commitment 
to,  by  children's  court,  94; 
short-term  commitments  re- 
fused by,  92 

Relief  Records:  of  families  of 
boys,  171,  172 

Relief  Societies:  duration  of 
relief  records  of  families 
known  to  have  received  aid 
from,  172;  records  of,  con- 
sulted in  study  of  commit- 
ment cases,  1 18;  records  of, 
not  consulted  in  children's 
court  cases,  1 14 

Remand  for  Investigation:  did 
not  necessarily  mean  further 
inquiry,  97 

Reproduction:  ignorance  of 
West   Side   boys  regarding, 

155 
Residences  in  District:  of  fam- 
ilies of  boys,  length  of,  168 
Retrial:     rare     in     suspended 

sentence  cases,  96 
Revenge:    among    West    Side 

boys,  156,  157 
Riding  on  Freight  Cars,  etc.: 

boys  arrested  for,  82',  penal 

law  regarding,  81 
Riemer,     Henry     and    Alex- 

ANDER:casesof,  134,  135,  136 
Riley,  George:  case  of,  130 
Riley,  James:  report  of  investi- 
gation in  case  of,  11 1 
Riordan,    W.    L.:    Plunkett   of 

Tammany  Hall,  quoted,  89 
Robbery:  boys  arrested  for,  82; 

penal     law    regarding,     81. 

See    also     Burglary;    Theft; 

Thievery 
Roman  Catholic  Priest:  quoted 

on  gangs,  54 


212 


INDEX 


Rooms  in  West  Side  Tenement 

Houses:  dark,    56;  lack  of 

privacy  in,  57,  58 
Rooms,  Number  of:  occupied  by 

families  of  boys,  169 
Rooney,  Matthew:  case  of,  131, 

136 
Ruhl,  George:  case  of,  158 

St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Society: 
Catholic  Probation  League 
organized  under  auspices  of, 

85 
Saloon:  children's  visits  to,  146 

"Scenery  Burned  by  Van- 
dals," 144 

Schlapp,  Dr.  Max:  children  sent 
for  mental  examination  to 
clinic  conducted  by,  140 

School:  as  a  source  of  names  of 
boys,  167;  principal  of,  as  a 
parole  officer  in  cases  of 
truancy,  93;  records  con- 
sulted in  study  of  commit- 
ment cases,  1 18;  statements 
from,  obtained  by  parole 
officer,  no;  value  of  evi- 
dence from,  in  parole  cases, 
113;  West  Side  boy  and  the, 
148,  149 

School  Farm:  in  De  Witt  Clin- 
ton Park,  5 

Self-abuse:  involved  in  court 
cases  studied,  90 

Setebos:  judge  of  children's 
court  as  a,  80 

Settlement,  A:  among  sources 
from  which  boys'  names  ob- 
tained, 167;  thefts  from,  142 

Settlement,  A  Deserted:  at 
Tenth  Avenue  and  Fiftieth 
Street,  3 

Settlements:  value  of  evidence 
to  be  obtained  from,  in  court 
cases,  1 14 

Sexual  Immorality:  among 
West  Side  boys,  154-156 

Sexual  Perverts:  common  on 
West  Side,  155 


Sharkey,  Sam:  and  his  mother, 

100 
Smoking:  among  West  Side  boys, 
145;  by  boys,  difficulties  of 
mothers  with,  67 
Snowballing:  on  West  Side,  27 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of 
Cruelty  to  Children:  bail 
seldom  demanded  at  head- 
quarters of,  89;  boy  arrested 
in  evening  detained  by,  88; 
boy  taken  to  court  by  way 
of,  80;  cases  remanded  to, 
pending  investigation,  91, 
97;  children  under  sixteen 
excluded  from  operation  of 
first  probation  law  through 
efforts  of,  84;  detention 
quarters  of,  84;  joining  of 
forces  with  school  due  to, 
113;  official  connection  with 
children's  court,  85,  87; 
period  of  parole  of  cases 
under  care  of,  109;  probation 
work  of,  85;  reports  of  in- 
vestigator consulted  in  study 
of  commitment  cases,  118; 
uses  of  detention  rooms  of, 
97,  108;  visitation  by  agents 
of,  in  parole  cases,  93 

Sons  Who  Do  Not  Work:  and 
their  mothers,  64 

Sources:  from  which  names  of 
boys  studied  were  obtained, 
167 

Special  Sessions,  Court  of: 
children's  court  part  of,  83 

Spinner,  Jack:  bail  required  in 
case  of,  88 

Stabbing:  arrest  of  boys  for,  17 

Staley,  Patrick:  report  of  in- 
vestigation in  case  of,  1 10 

Stealing:  encouragements  to, 
on  West  Side,  141,  142 

Streets:  influence  exerted  upon 
boys  by  the,  21,22;  the  nat- 
ural playground  of  the  West 
Side  boy,  10,  1 1 ;  uses  of,  that 


213 


INDEX 


conflict  with  boys'  use  as  a 
playground,  12 

Summers,  Miss:  and  George 
Ruhl,  158 

Survey,  The:  article  by  Homer 
Folks  on  Juvenile  Probation, 
cited,  85 

Suspended  Sentence  :  after  con- 
viction, in  children's  court, 
93,  96;  following  parole, 
in  cases  studied,  1 16 

Tammany  Outing:  drunkenness 
among  boys  at  a,  147 

Teeth:  neglect  of,  60 

Tenement  Conditions:  on  West 
Side,  56,  57,  58 

Tenth  Avenue:  characteristics 
of,  2,  3 

Theft:  encouragements  to,  on 
West  Side,  18,  141,  142 

Thief,  Jargon  of:  common  in 
boys'  gangs,  44 

Thievery:  arrest  of  boys  for,  17. 
See  also  Burglary;  Robbery 

Times,  New  York:  headlines  re- 
garding a  gang  fight  quoted 
from,  50 

Tracy,  Mrs.:  and  her  Michael's 
trial,  105 

Trials  at  Children's  Court: 
brevity  of,  83,  105.  See  also 
Hearings 

Tribune,  New  York:  headlines  re- 
garding a  gang  fight  quoted 
from,  49 

Truancy:  among  offenses  lead- 
ing to  arrest  of  boys,  16; 
developed  into  a  system, 
among  West  Side  boys,  148- 
151;  difficulties  of  mothers 
with,  67;  procedure  in  pa- 
roled cases  of,  93 ;  records  of 
boys,  classified  as  delinquent 
or  not  delinquent,  173 

Truant,  A  Ten-year-old:  con- 
fession of,  149,  150 

Truant  Schools:  commitment 
by  children's  court  to,  94, 1 1 9 


Twelfth  Avenue:  character- 
istics of,  5 

Ungovernable  Child:  boys  ar- 
rested as,  according  to  court 
charges,  82 

United  States:  parents  of  boys 
born  in,  7.  See  also  Ameri- 
can-born 


Vagrancy       and       Neglect: 

offenses  of,  16 
Vandalism   on  West  Side:   as 

reported     by     New     York 

Evening  Mail,  144 


Wages  and  Occupations:  of 
boys    gainfully     employed, 

»75 

"Wanderlust":  among  West 
Side  boys,  1 51-154 

Warehouses:  on  West  Side,  loca- 
tion of,  3 

Warrants:  use  of,  in  parole 
cases,  93,  109 

Waters,  Stephen:  a  "success- 
ful" institution  case,  127, 
128 

Weapons,  Concealed:  carrying 
of,  among  boys,  45 

West  Side,  Middle:  a  dual 
neighborhood,  37;  apathy  of, 
8;  characteristics  of,  ex- 
plained by  history,  6,  7; 
comedy  on,  161;  criminal 
record  of,  8,  13,  19;  lack  of 
striking  features  on,  5; 
nationalities  predominating 
on,  7;  new  correlation  of 
recreation  activities  on,  5 

Window  Breaking:  arrest  of 
boys  for,  17 

Window  Glass:  insurance  of,  on 
West  Side,  1 5 

Work  Record:  importance  of, 
in  parole  investigations,  1 10, 
"3 


214 


INDEX 


World,  New  York:    account    of 

gang  fighting  quoted  from, 

50 
World,  Evening,  New  York:  story 

of  Johnnie    Moran   quoted 

from  the,  161 


Yeggman,  Jargon  of:  common 
in  boys'  gangs,  44 

Young  Men's  Christian  Asso- 
ciation: Big  Brother  Move- 
ment in,  86 


215 


RUSSELL  SAGE 
FOUNDATION 


THE 
NEGLECTED  GIRL 


BY 
RUTH    S.  TRUE 


WEST  SIDE   STUDIES 


NEW   YORK 

SURVEY    ASSOCIATES,    INC 

MCMX  IV 


Copyright,   1914,  by 
The  Russell  Sage  Foundation 


THE  TROW   PBE99 
NEW  YORK 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PACE 

I.  Introductory i 

II.  In  the  Grip  of  Poverty 19 

III.  Where  the  School  Law  Failed 33 

IV.  Wage-earning  and  New  Relations  at  Home     .        .  43 
V.  The  Will  to  Play 57 

VI.  The  Breakdown  of  Family  Protection                      .  75 

VII.  The  Italian  Girl.    By  Josephine  Roche    ...  95 

APPENDICES 

A.  Economic  Condition  of  the  Families  .        .        .121 

B.  School  Attendance  Data 132 

Index 135 


iii 


CHAPTER   I 
INTRODUCTORY 

THE  material  for  the  following  studies  was  col- 
lected by  four  persons.  The  final  chapter, 
which  deals  with  the  Italian  girl  of  the  West 
Side,  was  prepared  by  one  of  the  group  working  inde- 
pendently. This  course  was  necessary,  as  the  Italian 
girl's  life  is  inseparable  from  that  of  her  family  and  the 
only  approach  to  her  is  by  way  of  her  own  home.  One 
could  not  know  the  Italian  girl  of  the  West  Side  with- 
out knowing  also  her  father,  her  mother,  and  her 
numerous  brothers  and  sisters,  if  not,  indeed,  a  great 
many  of  her  relatives.  The  other  three  workers,  in- 
cluding the  writer,  joined  in  the  management  of  a  small 
house  which  was  used  as  a  recreation  center  and  club 
house.  They  also  collaborated  in  keeping  a  daily  jour- 
nal, to  which  reference  is  made  in  the  following  pages. 
It  was  our  wish  especially  to  gain  some  knowledge 
of  the  type  of  girl  who  is  seen  so  frequently  at  the  street 
corners  and  who  refuses  to  be  attracted  to  agencies 
which  frankly  declare  a  desire  to  improve  her.  The 
club,  therefore,  adopted  an  open-door  policy  and  the 
leaders  tried  to  refrain  from  obvious  attempts  to  in- 
fluence or  control  the  girls  who  came.  The  aim  was  to 
encourage  sincerity  among  them,  and  to  prevent  their 
"playing  up"  to  superimposed  standards  "for  what 
there  was  in  it."    Not  that  we  thought  that  these 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

girls  were  especially  inclined  to  practice  fraud;  but  we 
knew  from  experience  that  work  with  too  obvious  a 
purpose  "to  do  good"  often  encourages  hypocrisy. 

One  of  our  reasons  for  opening  the  Tenth  Avenue 
club  for  girls  was  that  we  had  found  it  impossible  to 
be  on  an  intimate  footing  with  them  in  their  homes. 
The  atmosphere  of  family  life  was  far  too  often  one  of 
mutual  reproach  and  recrimination,  and  the  visitor  was 
likely  to  find  herself  in  the  embarrassing  position  of  a 
court  of  appeals.  Picture  an  evening  spent  in  the  com- 
pany of  the  two  Katie  Murphys,  mother  and  daughter, 
thus:  Mrs.  Murphy,  sitting  with  folded  arms  in  the 
rocking-chair,  rehearses  the  story  of  Katie's  sins. 
Katie  leans  against  the  back  of  the  sofa  with  dropped 
eyelids  and  a  face  as  expressionless  as  putty.  All  the 
efforts  of  the  involuntary  court  of  appeals  to  induce 
the  girl  to  say  a  word  in  her  own  behalf  are  met  by 
stony  silence.  Meanwhile,  the  mother  runs  on,  zeal- 
ously driving  nails  in  her  own  coffin  as  far  as  the  girl's 
affection  and  confidence  are  concerned.  Harassed  by 
the  problem  of  feeding,  clothing,  and  housing  six  chil- 
dren on  $8.00  a  week,  Mrs.  Murphy  has  little  strength 
or  imagination  left  for  the  subtler  problem  of  how  to 
handle  an  adolescent  daughter. 

It  was  such  experiences  that  taught  us  the  necessity 
of  providing  some  neutral  ground  on  which  to  meet 
Katie  Murphy,  if  we  were  to  secure  her  confidence. 
This  neutral  ground  took  the  form  of  club  rooms 
where  we  established  ourselves  with  the  definite  inten- 
tion of  giving  Katie  the  just  due  of  her  youth, — a  good 
time. 

We  continued,  however,  to  visit  the  families  of  girls 
in  the  course  of  the  investigation,  collecting  thereby 


INTRODUCTORY 

material  for  the  observations  on  home  life  contained  in 
the  following  chapters.  The  girls  themselves  welcomed 
our  visits  even  though  they  must  have  realized  in  a 
vague  way  that  we  were  keeping  "tab"  on  conditions 
in  the  homes  from  which  our  club  members  came.  One 
day  May  Sipp,*  a  new  girl,  came  to  one  of  the  club 

leaders  and  said,  "  Miss ,  will  you  come  to  my  house 

tomorrow?"  The  leader  thought  that  perhaps  a  party 
was  being  planned  and  asked  for  further  details. 
"Why,  no  one  has  been  to  my  house  yet  and  I'd  like 
to  have  you  come,"  the  girl  explained.  It  was  evident 
that  she  felt  a  little  put  out  because  her  home  had  not 
as  yet  been  visited. 

It  was  the  middle  of  December  when  we  first  opened 
for  the  girls  in  the  neighborhood  the  house  which  we 
had  taken  for  the  purpose.  The  place  received  no 
more  colorful  name  than  the  number  on  the  door,  "  47 1 ," 
by  which  it  was  designated  during  the  whole  time  we 
occupied  it.  "471"  was  a  red  brick  structure  consist- 
ing of  three  stories  and  a  basement.  It  was  rather  a 
friendly  looking  house  with  a  "stoop"  and  the  remnants 
of  front  and  back  yards;  that  is,  there  was  a  small 
area  in  front  guarded  by  a  low  iron  fence  with  a  gate, 
and  a  square  box  in  the  rear  which  became  a  "play- 
ground" in  summer.  A  supervisor  from  Christ  Pres- 
byterian Church  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  latter,  and 
the  children  crowded  into  the  little  box  in  such  num- 
bers that  we  soon  had  complaints  from  the  neighbors 
against  the  shrill  chorus  rising  from  the  back  yard. 

The  front  yard  was  of  no  particular  use  except  that 
the  iron  gate  served  to  stimulate  the  imagination  of  the 

*  The  names  of  girls  given  in  this  book  are  fictitious. 

3 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

small  boys  who  haunted  our  premises.  It  was  a 
continual  bone  of  contention.  It  was  always  being 
carried  away  by  bands  of  enemies  and  heroically  re- 
stored by  bands  of  friends — who  were  sometimes  one 
and  the  same — until  at  last  we  decided  to  remove  it 
entirely  from  the  sidewalk,  where  it  was  of  no  earthly 
use  as  a  gate,  and  store  it  in  an  inner  closet. 

We  occupied  two  floors  of  the  house,  the  ground  floor 
and  the  basement.  In  the  basement  was  a  large,  well 
lighted  kitchen  and  a  living  room.  On  the  first  floor 
were  two  large  connecting  rooms  which  were  furnished 
with  folding  chairs  and  a  piano.  Though  our  equip- 
ment was  meager,  we  had  a  cook  stove  and  a  piano. 
These  two  pieces  of  furniture  we  came  to  regard  as  the 
necessary  minimum  of  equipment  for  a  girls'  club  under 
all  circumstances. 

The  occupations  of  the  clubs — cooking,  sewing, 
basket-weaving,  brass  work — were  carried  on  as  pas- 
time rather  than  as  work.  It  was  necessary  to  vary  the 
program  repeatedly,  for  the  shifting  attention  of  the 
girls  refused  to  consider  any  occupation  as  pleasurable 
for  long  at  a  time.  The  one  thing  of  which  they  never 
seemed  to  tire  was  dancing,  and  in  spite  of  the  ugly 
forms  which  this  recreation  took,  it  had  always  the 
beauty  of  spontaneity.  Their  fondness  for  popular 
songs  was  almost  as  spontaneous.  "The  Garden  of 
Love,"  "The  Hypnotizing  Man,"  "When  Broadway 
was  a  Pasture,"  "The  Girl  that  Married  Dad,"  and 
others  of  the  same  lurid  and  sentimental  strain  were 
sung  over  and  over  to  an  unvarying  appreciation. 

Our  relations  with  our  co-tenants  at  "471"  threw 
much  additional  light  on  conditions  of  life  on  the  West 
Side.    Above  us  on  the  second  floor  lived  the  McClusky 


INTRODUCTORY 

family.  Ellen  McClusky  was  fourteen,  and  since  her 
mother's  death  two  years  before  had  been  housekeeper 
for  her  father  and  three  brothers.  Lately  one  of  the 
brothers  had  sickened  of  tuberculosis,  thus  adding  to 
Ellen's  housekeeping  duties  those  of  a  sick  nurse.  Her 
school  attendance  had  suffered.  The  truant  officer  was 
paying  visits  to  the  house  and  the  health  officer  was 
also  knocking  at  the  door.  Thus  the  clouds  had  already 
begun  to  gather  on  the  McClusky  horizon  even  before 
our  entrance  on  the  scene.  Ellen's  joy  at  the  news 
that  a  club  for  girls  had  moved  in  on  the  ground  floor 
of  the  house  was  unbounded.  She  was  allowed  at  first 
to  come  down  to  us  every  evening. 

But  Mr.  McClusky  soon  turned  against  us.  He  was 
a  choleric  individual,  and  was,  moreover,  constantly 
agitated  over  the  condition  of  his  son,  who  was  dying 
by  inches.  It  is  not  surprising  that  he  turned  violently 
against  the  social  coercion  which  demanded  that  Ellen 
should  go  to  school  and  his  son  be  put  away  in  a  hospi- 
tal. He  mishandled  the  truant  officer  and  forbade 
Ellen  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  "teachers," 
whom  he  regarded  as  being  in  league  with  the  forces 
that  harassed  him. 

Ellen  would  hang  over  the  banisters  in  the  evenings 
watching  the  hall  below.  But  her  father  had  forbidden 
her  even  to  speak  to  us.  In  March  the  invalid  brother 
died,  and  the  club  rooms  were  closed  for  a  week  during 
which  the  house  was  given  over  to  the  solemn  splendors 
of  a  funeral.  After  the  undertaker  had  retired,  the 
health  officer  took  possession  and  the  rooms  were  sub- 
mitted to  a  thorough  fumigation. 

We  opened  our  club  once  more,  but  Ellen  was  still 
forbidden  to  come  to  us.     She  continued  living  in  the 

5 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

isolation  of  the  second  floor,  peeping  over  the  banis- 
ters in  the  evening.  It  was  finally  a  great  relief  to  our 
overstrained  sympathies  when  an -officer  of  the  Society 
for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children,  upon  evi- 
dence furnished  by  Ellen's  aunt,  arrived  and  removed 
her  from  her  home.  This  ended  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
McClusky  family  so  far  as  we  had  any  share  in  them. 

On  the  top  floor  lived  Mr.  Distel,  a  German  mechanic 
about  fifty  years  old.  He  was  an  odd  little  bitten-off 
man,  unkempt  and  kindly,  who  had  lived  alone  in  his 
three  little  rooms  many  years.  He  liked  to  hear  the 
boys  and  girls  downstairs,  he  said,  and  occasionally  he 
made  clumsy  efforts  to  join  in,  but  he  had  been  too 
long  a  hermit.  He  could  not.  Needless  to  say,  Mr. 
Distel  was  our  most  sympathetic  neighbor,  and  the 
presence  of  the  little  man  finishing  off  an  industrious 
and  worthy  life  in  his  lonely  top  floor  rooms  made  us 
but  the  more  determined  in  our  task  of  supplying 
wholesome  good  times  to  our  friends. 

The  source  from  which  most  of  our  difficulties  pro- 
ceeded was  the  spirit  of  disorder  abroad  in  the  neigh- 
borhood. This  was  indeed  a  lawless  spirit  and,  in  its 
extreme  form,  a  sinister  and  menacing  influence.  The 
"Gopher  gang"*  figured  largely  in  the  neighborhood 
gossip,  and  whatever  may  have  been  the  actual  extent 
of  Gopher  operations  in  our  vicinity,  the  current  stories 
about  them,  however  inaccurate  as  to  facts,  were  in 
themselves  a  sufficiently  evil  influence  in  the  lives  of 
the  boys  and  girls  of  the  district. 

Our  most  direct  contact  with  local  disorderly  in- 
fluences was  through  the  gangs  of  small   boys  who 

*  This  name  is  commonly  applied  to  all  the  loafers  and  thugs  from 
Thirtieth  to  Sixtieth  Street. 


INTRODUCTORY 

haunted  our  premises,  demanding  to  be  admitted.  As 
we  were  not  prepared  to  open  the  house  to  them,  our 
apparent  inhospitality  drew  upon  us  a  series  of  attacks. 
Not  that  all  the  attacks  were  acts  of  deliberate  revenge; 
they  were  sometimes  merely  outbursts  of  habitual 
rowdyism.  Nevertheless,  they  were  a  serious  element 
in  our  situation.  We  found  that  we  could  not  run  a 
club  for  girls  on  Tenth  Avenue  without  getting  the 
small  boys'  consent.  Time  had  to  be  spent  in  conciliat- 
ing them.  At  first  our  method  was  to  station  an  out- 
post on  the  sidewalk.  To  one  of  the  "teachers,"  who 
proved  an  adept  in  gang  psychology,  this  difficult  task 
was  usually  delegated.  An  entry  in  her  diary  under 
the  date  of  December  20 — a  date  on  which  the  usual 
Tenth  Avenue  spirit  was  enhanced  by  the  approach  of 
the  Christmas  holidays — reads  as  follows:  "As  it  was 
not  my  night  on  duty  I  had  no  intention  of  spending 
the  evening  at  the  Tenth  Avenue  house.  1  stopped  in 
to  speak  to  Miss  Barclay  and  see  how  things  were  going, 
but  the  disorder  on  the  outside  was  so  bad  that  I  was 
forced  to  spend  most  of  the  evening  on  the  sidewalk 
outside  with  the  boys." 

An  adventure  which  befell  us  on  the  second  evening 
after  our  "opening"  might  have  had  very  serious  re- 
sults. One  of  the  club  leaders  was  engaged  in  the  front 
basement  room  with  a  group  of  the  older  girls.  Early 
in  the  evening  a  gang  of  small  boys  gathered  at  the 
window  outside  to  upbraid  their  sisters  for  not  letting 
them  come  into  the  club.  But  they  withdrew  at  a 
word  from  the  "teacher,"  who  might  have  suspected 
such  unusual  docility,  but  did  not.  An  hour  later  when 
the  girls  were  engaged  in  their  club  occupations,  there 
came  crashing  through  the  window  a  weapon  seven  feet 

7 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

in  length,  which  proved  to  be  a  gun  with  a  bayonet 
attachment.  It  struck  the  chair  in  which  the  teacher 
was  sitting  with  such  force  as  to  chip  the  oaken  back. 
As  the  gun  was  slowly  drawn  into  the  room  there  was 
much  wringing  of  hands  and  a  general  desire  to  get  a 
"cop."  The  gang  had  promptly  made  off,  of  course, 
leaving  the  sidewalk  deserted. 

It  became  apparent  that  the  small  boy  could  do  seri- 
ous damage  unless  conciliated.  Treating  with  him  in 
the  darkness  of  the  sidewalk  proved  not  to  be  successful. 
It  was  evident  that  we  must  bring  him  inside  and 
examine  him  in  the  light.  One  evening  just  after  the 
front  shutters  had  been  pried  open  by  depredators  who 
had  then  promptly  run  away,  one  of  the  club  leaders 
went  out  to  the  sidewalk,  closing  the  door  behind  her. 
Nobody  was  in  sight.  But  she  had  only  to  continue 
long  enough  in  a  motionless  attitude  to  coax  these  young 
animals  from  their  holes.  Presently  a  head  came  out 
from  behind  a  stoop,  and  another  from  an  area  opposite. 
Soon  several  boys  were  edging  along  the  pavement 
toward  the  solitary  figure  in  the  dark,  and  in  a  few 
minutes  the  whole  gang  had  closed  in  a  circle  around 
the  trapper.  She  led  them  up  the  stoop,  into  the 
brightly  lighted  sitting  room,  and  called  for  a  clear 
statement  of  grievances.  It  was  all  ready.  "Say, 
ain't  no  boys  gona  be  let  in  never?" 

The  end  of  this  council  and  of  others  which  followed 
was  that  we  gave  Saturday  night  to  the  boys.  Grad- 
ually, by  this  concession  and  others,  we  were  able  to 
conciliate  the  gangs.  The  worst  of  our  troubles  were 
over  when  they  had  been  somewhat  enlisted  on  our 
side,  but  there  were  occasions  when  the  alliance  proved 
embarrassing.     For  instance,  one  of  the   "teachers" 

8 


INTRODUCTORY 


leaving  the  club  late  in  the  evening  encountered  a  group 
of  the  older  boys  who  gallantly  offered  to  escort  her  to 
the  car.  As  they  neared  the  corner  she  remarked 
hastily  that  she  must  catch  a  car  which  had  just 
stopped  there.  Before  she  could  get  her  breath,  four 
of  the  boys  rushed  ahead,  jumped  on  the  front  plat- 
form, and  began  putting  on  the  brakes  so  that  the 
motorman  could  not  start  his  car.  The  astonished 
club  leader  found  herself  seized  by  the  other  three 
youths  and  hoisted  upon  the  rear  platform  with  a  part- 
ing shove  which  sent  her  hurtling  into  the  car.  The 
hooting  and  confusion  were  intense,  and  the  passengers 
stood  up  in  alarm.  The  boys,  however,  stood  genially 
waving  their  caps  as  the  car  started.  When  the  con- 
ductor came  to  collect  the  fare,  he  said  suspiciously  to 
the  new  passenger,  "  Did  you  know  them  boys?"  The 
young  woman  was  compelled  to  say  that  they  were 
friends  of  hers,  to  which  he  replied,  "  Gee,  but  you  got 
tough  nuts  for  your  friends!" 

Stories  of  the  disorder  in  the  neighborhood  came  into 
the  house  in  many  ways.  For  instance,  it  was  vividly 
reproduced  in  the  conversation  of  the  "gentleman 
friends"  of  the  girls,  who  were  often  our  guests.  This 
was  full  of  wild  Gopher  gossip  and  stories  of  arrests. 
There  was  one  evening  in  particular  when  Doran 
thrilled  us  all  with  a  long  story  of  how  he  had  gone 
home  early  one  night  and  was  sitting  reading  his  paper, 
feeling  rather  queer — the  trouble  was  in  the  air — when 
a  terrific  noise  broke  out  in  the  hall.  A  whole  gang  of 
fellows  had  come  into  the  house  through  the  door  on 
the  roof  and  gone  plunging  down  the  stairs  pursued  by 
a  trail  of  officers. 

At  this  point  in  the  story,  Cleaver  suggested  that 

9 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

Doran  must  have  kept  the  door  shut  pretty  tight,  to 
which  he  agreed.  Cleaver  then  accused  him  of  being 
afraid,  and  recalled  an  instance  when,  as  he  claimed, 
Doran  had  shut  the  door  against  him  when  the  "cops" 
were  after  him.  Doran  hotly  denied  this.  The  two 
ruffled  spirits  had  to  be  smoothed  and  then  the  talk 
ran  on,  all  about  arrests  and  flights  and  pursuits.  The 
whole  conversation  indicated  how  precariously  near  the 
edge  of  trouble  these  young  men  felt  themselves  to  be 
all  the  time.  It  showed  also  the  kind  of  lawlessness 
and  rowdyism  on  which  they  built  their  youthful 
ideals,  which  lead  in  turn  to  further  acts  of  lawlessness 
and  rowdyism. 

Echoes  of  the  Gophers  occurred  in  the  talk  of  the 
girls.  At  one  of  the  first  club  meetings,  a  tall,  attrac- 
tive girl  arose  and  proposed  as  a  name  for  the  club,  the 
"Gopherettes."  As  a  motto,  she  suggested,  "Hit  one, 
hit  all."  This  was  Fanny  Mayhew,  who  turned  out 
on  nearer  acquaintance  to  be  a  wonderfully  cheerful 
girl  with  a  happy  disposition  and  very  popular  with 
her  family  and  school  teachers.  Though  perfectly  able 
to  hold  her  own,  she  proved  not  so  belligerent  as  the 
episode  had  suggested.  She  told  a  club  leader  that  she 
had  once  belonged  to  a  club  of  girls  called  the  "Goph- 
erettes." They  had  paid  dues  and  even  rented  a  base- 
ment room  for  a  short  time.  Later  the  club  had  moved 
to  the  dock,  and  she  had  not  been  allowed  by  her  mother 
to  go  to  its  meetings. 

It  was  unavoidable  that  the  girls'  conduct  should 
reflect  the  character  of  their  environment.  However, 
only  once  was  there  an  outbreak  against  a  club  leader. 
Among  the  friends  of  the  house  who  kindly  volunteered 
from  time  to  time  to  help  with  an  evening's  entertain- 


INTRODUCTORY 


ment  was  a  young  woman  from  another  city  who  had, 
thanks  to  her  own  efforts  and  the  interest  of  a  wealthy 
friend,  raised  herself  from  the  ranks  of  the  girls  who 
composed  our  clubs.  On  the  occasion  of  this  young 
woman's  visit  with  us,  there  arose  from  the  room  where 
she  was  engaged  with  a  group  of  girls  the  sounds 
of  a  violent  quarrel.  One  of  the  regular  leaders  has- 
tened to  the  room,  arriving  just  in  time  to  prevent 
blows.  Julia  O'Brien  had  lifted  her  arm  to  strike  the 
young  woman  who  had  come  up  from  the  ranks  and 
who  was,  moreover,  for  the  moment  the  center  of  a 
hostile,  excited  group. 

The  leader  of  the  riot,  led  downstairs  to  the  kitchen, 
became  instantly  repentant,  and  the  story  of  the  quarrel 
came  out.  One  of  the  girls  had  stepped  on  Julia's  foot 
and  she  had  exclaimed,  "Oh,  hell!"  It  was  an  unfor- 
tunate slip.  Julia  knew  that  swearing  was  not  allowed 
in  the  club  rooms  and  she  was  making  strenuous  efforts, 
as  the  leaders  knew,  to  break  a  lifelong  habit.  But  the 
young  woman  from  the  ranks  did  not  know  this  and 
she  had  rebuked  the  guilty  Julia  in  a  tone  of  such  cold 
and  stinging  contempt  that  it  had  not  only  provoked 
her  victim  to  the  point  of  striking  blows  but  had  drawn 
upon  the  tactless  leader  the  wrath  of  every  girl  present. 

A  subsequent  talk  with  this  young  woman  revealed 
the  attitude  of  offensive  superiority  which  the  girls 
had  so  hotly  resented — an  unfortunate  by-product 
of  her  rapid  rise  into  responsibility.  A  thoroughly 
self-respecting  and  deserving  person,  she  had  the 
peculiarly  hard  and  unsympathetic  attitude  toward 
those  who  had  failed  to  surmount  their  disabilities  so 
often  held  by  persons  who  have  themselves  struggled 
up  from  the  ranks. 

1 1 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


"Fights"  among  the  girls  were  not  infrequent.  One 
unusually  peaceful  and  happy  evening,  for  instance, 
ended  in  open  warfare  because  Barbara  Egan,  appar- 
ently with  no  evil  intent,  had  asked  Louisa  Storm  why 
her  fingers  were  so  crooked.  No  less  painful  was  the 
quarrel  between  Mamie  Taggart  and  Anna  Strumpf, 
which  was  recorded  in  the  following  entry  in  the 
diary:  "Tonight  it  was  raining  heavily  but  about  eight 
or  ten  girls  of  the  Wednesday  night  club  turned  up. 
Anna  Strumpf  sent  word  that  she  is  not  coming  any 
more  as  she  is  afraid  that  Mamie  Taggart  will  do  her 
up  outside." 

Not  all  the  "fights"  were  duels;  some  of  them  were 
petty  wars  of  faction  with  faction.  There  was  one  par- 
ticularly unfortunate  evening  when  fatal  "  remarks  were 
passed"  and  the  deadly  insult  "tough"  was  used.  The 
waves  of  bitterness  were  long  in  subsiding.  The  next 
evening  a  group  of  the  girls,  headed  by  Maggie  Tracy 
and  Clara  Denley,  appeared  at  the  club  wearing  large 
stiff  hair  bows,  some  red  and  some  black,  which  stuck 
out  defiantly  on  either  side.  They  announced  that 
they  had  been  called  tough,  so  what  could  one  expect? 
The  club  leaders  began  to  muster  their  diplomacy  and 
act  as  peacemakers,  but  the  air  was  still  belligerent 
when  the  opposite  faction  came  in. 

Expecting  a  repetition  of  the  clash  between  the  two 
sets,  we  were  greatly  surprised  to  see  Sadie  Fleming, 
the  leader  of  the  newcomers,  go  up  to  Maggie  Tracy 
and  put  her  hand  affectionately  on  her  enemy's  shoul- 
der, apparently  forgetting  that  a  state  of  war  existed 
between  them.  Sadie  and  her  companions  had  col- 
lected on  their  way  to  the  club  the  most  thrilling  gossip 
of  the  entire  year.     Father  Langan,  according  to  the 

12 


INTRODUCTORY 

story,  on  his  way  to  give  holy  communion  to  a  woman 
who  was  sick,  had  been  attacked  by  a  gang  of  Gophers. 
He  had  thrown  open  his  coat  to  show  the  vestment  of 
the  priest,  but  they  had  robbed  him  of  some  money  he 
was  carrying  and  had  left  him  stretched  on  the  side- 
walk! 

This  story  was  a  nine-days'  wonder  on  the  West  Side, 
where,  as  a  usual  thing,  deeds  of  violence  are  prompt- 
ly forgotten.  Father  Langan  flatly  contradicted  the 
report,  but  this  had  no  effect  upon  the  currency  of  so 
picturesque  a  story.  Very  likely  there  were  other 
quarrels  besides  Sadie's  and  Maggie's  which  were  for- 
gotten and  effaced  in  the  mutual  thrill  over  this  piece 
of  modernized  Irish  folklore.  Mrs.  O'Callahan  was 
graphic,  bringing  together  details  heard  from  various 
other  sources  as  well. 

"The  father  was  just  afther  going  t'  give  a  dyin' 
woman  th'  Holy  Communion.  He  was  stheppin'  down 
the  street  when  these  fellows  set  in  upon  him.  '  B'ys/ 
he  sez,  throwin'  back  his  coat  and  takin'  an'  showin' 
thim  th'  Sacrament  which  he  had  in  his  pocket,  'd'ye 
see  what  I'm  carryin'  here?  For  yer  own  good,'  he 
sez,  'Oi  warn  ye,'  he  sez,  'not  t'  lay  hand  on  a  priest,' 
he  sez,  'an'  him  goin'  t'  a  sick  old  woman,'  he  sez.  An' 
with  that  they  hit  him  an'  took  what  money  he  had — 
twenty-six  dollars  he  was  carryin',  so  they  say.  Oi 
can't  understand  why  the  fire  from  above  didn't  sthrike 
thim  down  dead.  In  Ireland,  a  priest  there  has  only 
t'  stamp  with  his  foot  and  they'd  ha'  been  sthruck  down 
where  they  stood.  But  America  is  a  bad  place,  it  ain't 
like  th'  owld  counthrey." 

When  the  youthful  gang  spirit  of  Tenth  Avenue  had 
been  conquered  it  seemed  as  though  the  last  difficulty 

'3 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

had  been  surmounted.  At  the  end  of  ten  months  we 
thought  we  had  taken  the  measure  of  all  the  unpropi- 
tious  influences  that  threatened  our  enterprise.  But 
not  so.  We  were  yet  to  capitulate  to  the  last  and 
most  powerful  enemy  of  all — industry.  First  came  a 
"dispossess"  notice,  and  before  we  could  get  our  breath 
from  the  surprise  the  house-wrecking  crew  were  upon 
us.  It  was  a  simple  matter  to  raze  "471"  and  the 
adjoining  buildings.  In  a  few  days  they  had  all  dis- 
appeared, along  with  the  tiny  back  yard,  where  the 
children  had  played  on  hot  summer  days.  On  the  site 
was  erected  a  lofty  factory  building.  Tomorrow  the 
machines  will  be  chugging  away  in  the  new  shops, 
tended  perhaps  by  some  of  the  same  girls  who  yesterday 
came  knocking  at  the  door  of  "471"  asking  for  room 
to  play.  A  neighboring  school  received  the  remnants 
of  our  clubs.  With  new  conditions,  a  new  environ- 
ment, and  new  groups  of  girls,  an  entirely  new  start 
had  to  be  made. 

The  observations  given  in  this  study  of  girl  life  on 
the  West  Side  do  not  pretend  to  be  extensive.  No 
attempt  was  made  to  gather  in  numbers.  We  had  65 
girls  in  our  clubs  whose  home  conditions  were  very  well 
known.*  But  the  study  was  written  with  much  addi- 
tional information  in  mind.  Other  girls  came  to  the 
house  and  we  were  in  touch  in  one  way  or  another  with  a 
great  many  families  of  the  neighborhood  besides  those 
of  club  members.  The  chief  purpose,  however,  was  to 
know  intimately  and  sympathetically  a  small  group  of 
girls  who  were  typical  in  many  ways  of  the  girls 
in  any  poor  and  neglected  city  population.     As  one 

*  See  Chapter  II,  p.  19,  and  Appendix  A,  p.  121. 

14 


INTRODUCTORY 

writer  puts  it:  "The  alternative  lies,  not  between 
knowing  a  few  people  and  knowing  all  to  an  equal  de- 
gree, but  between  scratching  the  surface  of  the  whole 
field  and  digging  a  portion  of  it  spade  deep  in  order  to 
gain  some  idea  of  the  under-soil  throughout."  * 

How  far  did  our  groups  represent  the  girl  life  of  the 
West  Side?  It  was  a  comparatively  small  number 
whom  we  knew,  and  the  majority  of  them  came  from 
the  "under-soil."  The  well  cared  for  did  not  come 
to  us.  Our  girls  were  for  the  most  part  the  daughters 
of  the  poorest  poor.  As  a  group  they  differed  essen- 
tially from  the  types  of  girls  usually  found  in  settle- 
ment clubs  and  classes.  Some  of  them  were  not  of  the 
best  local  repute.  They  were  known  as  "tough,"  and 
had  been  practically  outlawed  by  certain  settlements 
and  recreation  centers  for  the  sake  of  the  more  promis- 
ing element. 

The  settlement  workers  in  the  district  repeatedly 
assured  us  that  it  was  hard  to  hold  the  girls  who  came 
from  our  particular  area  and  impossible  to  work  with 
them  in  numbers.  This  testimony  as  to  the  unsocial 
character  of  these  girls  was  sadly  borne  out  by 
our  experience  in  trying  to  organize  them  into  clubs. 
There  were  many  who  corresponded  to  the  description 
given  by  Dr.  Katherine  Bement  Davis, t  superinten- 
dent of  Bedford  Reformatory:  "Our  girls  as  a 
class  are  anti-social.  It  is  very  hard  for  them  to 
see  their  conduct  in  its  relation  to  the  lives  of  those 
around  them.  They  are  individualistic  in  the  extreme. 
They  have  never  thought  of  the  necessity  for  govern- 

*  Reynolds,  Stephen,  and  Wooley,  Bob  and  Tom :   Seems  So,  A 
Workingman's  View  of  Politics,  p.  xv.     London,  Macmillan,   1912. 
t  Now  commissioner  of  corrections,  New  York  City. 

15 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

ment  and  law,  and  can  see  no  reason  for  obedience  to 
anything  but  their  own  impulse."  * 

But  after  making  all  due  allowances  for  the  limited 
number  of  girls  studied  and  the  "tough"  reputations 
of  some  of  them,  the  fact  remains  that  these  65  girls 
and  their  friends  were  representative  of  many  others 
who  are  subjected  to  the  same  environment.  They 
had  been  brought  up  from  babyhood  in  these  blocks. 
Born  in  the  crowded,  dark  tenement  house  they  had 
had  for  a  nursery  the  crowded  sidewalk,  and  for  a 
playground,  the  street.  They  had  gone  to  the  near- 
est school  and  from  there  to  work  in  the  nearest  fac- 
tory. They  had  seen  the  West  Side,  breathed  the 
West  Side,  fed  on  the  West  Side  for  fourteen  years 
or  more,  and  had  built  up  their  adolescent  ideals 
of  the  same  forlorn  material.  That  they  had  suc- 
cumbed to  unwholesome  influences  does  not  prove 
them  to  have  been  peculiarly  weak  or  susceptible. 
Nor  does  it  prove  that  their  parents  had  been  culpably 
delinquent  in  their  duties.  Conditions  of  living  in 
the  crowded  city  have  tended  to  loosen  the  family 
bond,  and  the  powerful  force  of  neighborhood  in- 
fluence cannot  be  adequately  combated  by  parental 
authority  alone.  The  community  must  assume  the 
responsibility  for  the  environment  of  its  least  pro- 
tected members. 

A  campaign  for  the  control  of  conditions  in  the  public 
dance  halls  has  been  begun.  We  are  told  that  our 
young  working  girls  must  be  given  decent  dance  halls 
and  not  publicly  and  deliberately  consigned  to  the  de- 
graded centers  which  attract  them  under  that  name. 

*  Annual  Report  of  the  New  York  State  Reformatory  for  Women 
at  Bedford,  1907,  p.  25. 

16 


INTRODUCTORY 


The  West  Side  girls  need  much  more,  however,  than 
protected  dance  halls.  Some  of  the  girls  of  this  dis- 
trict are  too  poor  to  go  to  public  dances.  But  the  same 
dangers  which  threaten  the  dance-hall  girl  stalk  unre- 
strained through  the  neglected  streets  and  tenements 
of  the  West  Side,  and  the  girl  of  fourteen  may  fall  a 
victim  even  under  her  own  roof  tree. 

Demoralizing  neighborhood  conditions,  such  as  con- 
gestion, filth,  street  temptations,  and  neighborhood 
gangs,  all  of  which  are  practically  synonymous  with 
West  Side  life,  influence  the  girls  for  evil  only  to  a  less 
degree  than  they  influence  the  boys.  One  needs  only 
to  talk  with  any  good  mother  of  the  district  and  hear 
how  steadily  she  is  engaged  in  fending  her  children 
against  the  life  of  the  street  to  learn  how  constant 
and  how  potent  are  its  influences.  Testimony  is 
borne  to  their  power  by  the  iterated  complaint  of 
West  Side  mothers, — of  those  who  do  not  work  away 
from  home  as  well  as  of  those  who  do, — that  "Mamie 
is  beginning  to  get  out  from  under  me,"  or,  "  Katie 
was  the  best  girl  you  ever  saw  until  we  came  to  live  on 
this  block." 

The  problem  of  waywardness  among  West  Side  girls 
cannot  be  solved  by  long  distance  methods.  Their 
environment  must  be  made  safe  and  their  pleasures 
recognized  and  made  decent.  Some  of  the  things  which 
enlightened  criminologists  recommend  for  women  in  re- 
formatories, after  they  have  completely  succumbed  to 
the  sort  of  conditions  which  abound  on  the  West  Side, 
are  regular  school  attendance  with  manual  training  and 
flexible  courses  of  study;  regular  hours  for  sleep,  for 
food,  for  work,  and  for  play;  plenty  of  nourishing  food; 
fresh  air  and  outdoor  life;  the  social  discipline  of  com- 

17 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 

munity  life.  These  are  the  things  which  are  given  to 
the  girls  in  the  reformatory  at  Bedford  as  a  cure.  The 
same  things  would  help  to  prevent;  they  would  pre- 
serve the  West  Side  girl  to  society  as  a  daughter  and 
as  a  mother,  as  a  worker  and  as  a  citizen. 


18 


CHAPTER   II 

IN   THE  GRIP  OF   POVERTY* 

"\   /OU'VE  got  t'  keep  your  eye  on  a  girl.    Now 

it's  different  with  a  boy.     He  can  take  care 

A        of  himself.     But  you  never  can  tell,  if  you 

don't  keep  a  watch,  when  a  girl's  goin'  to  come  back 

an'  bring  disgrace  on  you." 

Such,  in  a  nutshell,  is  the  attitude  of  our  community 
toward  the  adolescent  girl.  The  chances  are  that  she 
will  "never  give  you  worry  an'  trouble  like  a  boy." 
But  if  she  does,  she  will  give  vastly  more.  .  The  sting 
of  her  shame  is  felt  to  be  keener  than  any  the  boy  can 
inflict.  And  with  very  few  girls  in  our  neighborhood 
is  "trouble"  of  this  sort  beyond  the  range  of  the 
possible.  Therefore  the  sense  of  family  responsi- 
bility is  far  more  alert  in  her  behalf  than  on  her 
brother's  account.  With  few  exceptions,  the  girl  is  as- 
sured of  interest  and  counsel  in  her  home.  This  counsel 
is  not  always  wise.  Worse  still,  it  is  not  always  tem- 
pered with  the  affection  she  needs.  Here  all  family  life 
struggles  against  handicaps.  But  through  all  the  sorry 
failures,  the  ignorance,  and  the  thwarted  ambitions, 
much  love  and  much  concern  for  the  girl  are  to  be 
found  in  the  homes  of  her  people.    Almost  as  a  baby 

*  For  more  detailed  data  with  regard  to  conditions  in  the  55  fam- 
ilies to  which  the  65  girls  dealt  with  in  this  study  belonged,  see 
Appendix  A,  Economic  Condition  of  the  Families,  p.  121. 

'9 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 

she  has  duties  at  home.  The  boy,  as  a  rule,  assumes 
them  with  his  first  pay  envelope.  Or,  if  he  is  earlier 
drafted  into  service,  his  chores  are  outside,  probably 
the  gathering  of  coal  or  wood  while  his  sister  stays  at 
home  to  mind  the  babies.  He  has  more  freedom.  She 
grows  up  in  a  more  intimate  relation  to  the  family,  far 
more  under  the  eye  of  her  mother.  Therefore,  family 
influence,  nine  times  out  of  ten,  is  the  great  factor  in 
her  development.  To  understand  her,  home  condi- 
tions must  be  known. 

The  most  common  of  family  skeletons  among  this 
West  Side  group  is  one  which  can  scarcely  be  locked  in 
its  closet.  It  stalks  forth,  apparent  to  the  casual 
glance.  It  is  the  grim  elemental  question  of  primitive 
needs.  The  daily  struggle  for  food,  shelter,  and  cloth- 
ing is  a  stark  reality  to  which  only  the  youngest  babies 
in  the  family  can  be  oblivious.  The  daughter  of  four- 
teen knows  it  to  the  last  sordid  detail.  In  the  group  of 
families  we  knew,  poverty  was  almost  universal.  Of 
our  65  girls  only  eight  came  from  households  which  had 
known  continuous  comfort  during  these  children's  lives. 
All  the  others  had  at  some  time  faced  staggering  mis- 
fortune. Forty  of  the  total  5  5  families,  or  73  per  cent, 
had  had  records  with  relief  societies,  some  stretching 
far  back  into  the  past.*  Forty-three  families,  from 
which  came  53  of  the  girls,  must  be  classed  with  the 
very  poor.f 

Those  of  us  born  into  better  fortune  seldom  feel  the 
meaning  of  this  primitive  struggle.  We  have  no  com- 
mon denominator  with  it.  We  cannot  estimate  the 
heroism  of  "  the  poor."    We  have  heard  and  read  much 

*  See  Appendix  A,  p.  121. 
t  Ibid.,  p.  121. 

20 


IN    THE    GRIP    OF    POVERTY 

of  hunger  and  exposure.  These  things  play  a  large 
part  in  juvenile  literature,  whether  sensational  or  classic. 
There  is  no  little  daughter  of  a  comfortable  home  but 
is  told  the  sad  legend  of  the  match  girl  who  froze  in  the 
snow  under  the  lighted  windows  from  which  floated 
sounds  of  merriment  and  music.  The  same  little 
daughter,  grown  older,  goes  to  school  and  learns  that 
"man's  three  primal  necessities  are  food,  shelter,  and 
clothing."  But  neither  the  faraway  and  sentimental 
pathos  of  the  match  girl's  fate  nor  the  cold  scholastic 
statement  of  the  text  book  is  sufficient  to  teach  one  the 
real  meaning  of  poverty.  Only  those  who  follow  its 
trail,  step  by  step,  seeing  the  gradual  and  tragic  disin- 
tegration of  human  worth  under  its  influence,  the  suf- 
fering and  waste  left  in  its  path,  can  realize  its  full 
power  and  significance. 

To  these  girls  who  come  forth  to  their  recreation  in 
a  skirt  worn  thin  and  a  gaping,  ill-made  waist,  poverty 
is  neither  distant  nor  sentimentally  touching.  Possibly 
no  child  does  starve  in  these  streets.  But  there  are 
many  children  who  do  not  need  to  learn  out  of  books 
about  hunger.  At  any  moment,  one  may  open  a  door 
and  find  it,  in  all  its  gaunt,  staring  reality.  We  once 
found  a  tiny  crippled  baby  who  had  sat  for  days  in  a 
fireless,  barren  room,  stiffened  with  cold.  She  was  as 
helpless  and  defenseless  a  little  creature  as  could  well 
be  met.  But  this  was  the  treatment  that  an  indifferent 
community  tolerated  for  her.     And  she  was  only  one. 

To  our  girls  these  were  harsh  facts  of  everyday  knowl- 
edge. Familiarity  with  poverty  makes  it  seem  both 
more  and  less  terrible.  It  does  not  kill,  perhaps,  but 
it  stunts.  It  does  not  come  as  an  overwhelming  catas- 
trophe; but  steadily  it  saps  the  vigor  of  the  young  as 

21 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

well  as  of  the  old.  With  the  more  fortunate  of  families 
such  as  these,  extreme  poverty  is  only  episodic.  A 
fairly  decent  standard  is  kept  until  something  goes 
amiss.  But  one  break  in  the  machinery  of  their  work- 
ing capacity  means  hardship.  No  reserve  fund  has 
been  possible,  or  the  small  amount  saved  is  hopelessly 
inadequate  to  meet  illness  or  protracted  unemploy- 
ment. It  melts  away  in  a  few  weeks  or  months.  The 
family  is  very  soon  over  the  borderline  of  self-support. 
With  the  less  fortunate,  poverty  takes  the  form  of  a 
slow,  chronic  contest  against  everlasting  odds.  This 
demands  every  atom  of  physical  and  nervous  strength, 
every  fraction  of  intelligence  and  effort.  And  the 
exaction  is  made  from  those  whose  only  training  has 
been  hard,  devastating  experience. 

In  this  neighborhood,  families  are  large  and  wages  are 
small.  The  size  of  the  family  is  a  definite  element  in 
its  standard  of  comfort.  Poverty  begins  not  merely  at 
a  certain  wage  but  also  with  a  certain  number  of  chil- 
dren.* "We've  got  eight,"  said  Mrs.  Meehan,  "and 
by  rights  we'd  only  have  two  if  we  was  to  bring  'em  up 
proper.  But,"  she  added,  "it's  the  littlest  one  that  I 
love  the  best." 

Sometimes  where  the  father  is  living  and  at  work,  he 
earns  enough  to  keep  in  cleanliness  and  health,  and  with 
at  least  the  necessary  medical  care,  a  family  of  three  or 
four.  But  with  six  to  support,  an  income  sufficient  for 
four  means  the  lack  of  essentials  for  all,  loss  of  health, 
and  sometimes  loss  of  life.  Often  the  mother  is  com- 
pelled to  supplement  his  earnings  by  her  own.  Twenty- 
nine  out  of  the  46  living  mothers  were  contributing  a 

*  For  the  relation  which  the  number  of  children  had  to  applications 
for  relief  among  these  families,  see  Appendix  A,  p.  123. 


IN    THE    GRIP    OF    POVERTY 

part  or  the  whole  of  the  family  income.  In  24  of  the  55 
families  the  father  was  dead  or  incapacitated,  and  there 
was  no  stepfather  to  take  his  place  as  breadwinner.* 

The  mortality  among  children  on  the  West  Side  is 
shockingly  high.  A  family  which  had  not  lost  at  least 
one  child  was  indeed  rare.  Fairly  accurate  records  of 
j  the  births  and  deaths  of  children  in  31  out  of  the  55 
{  families  show  that  the  number  of  births  averaged  nearly 
eight,  and  the  deaths  about  three. |  This  average  death 
rate  for  so  small  a  group  is  not  surprising  when  one 
considers  the  birth  rate.  The  more  children  that  are 
born  into  such  poverty,  the  greater  the  likelihood  that 
many  of  them  will  die.  On  our  list  were  families  who 
had  two  living  children  and  six  dead,  five  living  and  five 
dead,  five  living  and  six  dead,  six  living  and  nine  dead, 
seven  living  and  seven  dead,  one  living  and  six  dead. 
Though  practically  all  these  families  carried  insurance,  J 
the  amount  for  which  a  baby's  life  is  insured  would  not 
as  a  rule  be  sufficient  to  pay  the  expense  of  burial. 

The  attitude  of  our  community  toward  birth  or 
death  is  disheartening  in  its  helplessness.  Either  event 
is  accepted  as  the  will  of  God.  The  idea  of  voluntarily 
limiting  the  size  of  the  family  is  almost  unknown.  Mrs. 
Reilly,  bent,  deformed,  old  at  fifty,  with  five  children 
living  and  eight  dead,  would  ramble  on  with  her  dull 
and  listless  story  of  the  sickness  and  suffering  those 
deaths  and  births  had  meant,  and  the  constant  crush- 
ing poverty  they  had  caused;  and  would  finish  with, 

*  For  further  data  concerning  the  broken  families  in  the  group,  and 
the  extent  of  wage-earning  among  the  mothers,  see  Appendix  A, 
p.  124  ff. 

f  See  Anthony,  Katharine:  Mothers  Who  Must  Earn,  p.  166  ff. 
(West  Side  Studies.)  Russell  Sage  Foundation  Publication.  New 
York,  Survey  Associates,  1914. 

X  See  Appendix  A,  pp.  128-129. 

23 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 

"It's  the  poor  as  can't  take  care  of  them,  to  whom 
they're  sent." 

The  housing  of  these  families  was  of  a  grade  commen- 
surate with  the  degree  of  their  poverty.  Dark,  unventi- 
lated  rooms  were  found  in  the  apartments  of  30  families, 
and  about  half  of  the  group  of  55  had  less  space  than 
was  required  for  health  or  comfort.  As  is  generally 
true  with  families  of  their  class,  the  amount  of  rent 
paid  for  poor  and  inadequate  accommodations  was 
relatively  high.* 

In  spite  of  the  mountains  of  difficulty  in  the  way  of 
these  mothers,  their  success  in  bringing  up  their  chil- 
dren is  sometimes  great  beyond  our  realization.  There 
was,  for  instance,  one  household  on  a  certain  block  on 
Eleventh  Avenue  where  the  father  brought  in  $12  in 
return  for  a  full  week  of  unskilled  labor.  There  were 
four  children  under  working  age.  Twelve  dollars,  six 
persons,  city  prices — this  was  the  mother's  problem, 
by  no  means  so  discouraging  as  that  of  some  of  her 
neighbors,  but  still  a  difficult  one.  The  answer  is  not 
to  be  written  on  paper.  It  is  on  children's  faces,  in  the 
events  and  outcome  of  human  lives.  However  success- 
ful the  present  answer,  each  day  sets  the  old  quandary 
forth  anew.  Never  solved,  it  stretches  on  into  the 
years  ahead. 

With  this  family,  part  of  the  answer  was  their  pres- 
ence on  Eleventh  Avenue.  It  was  in  the  clangor  of  the 
freight  trains  that  passed  on  the  street  surface  by  their 
door  and  blackened  their  windows  with  smoke.  It 
was  in  the  stench  of  the  slaughter  house  which  the  breeze 
brought  into  their  rooms.     It  was  in  the  soot  of  the 

*  For  discussion  of  housing  and  rent  in  the  55  families,  see  Appen- 
dix A,  pp.   126-128. 

24 


IN    THE    GRIP   OF    POVERTY 

factories  and  the  dangers  to  child  life  around  the  docks. 
There  were  outward  evidences  of  family  life  in  the  block 
where  they  dwelt  —  dilapidated  tenements,  with  a 
sordid  little  grocery  store  in  the  middle  of  the  block. 
A  garish  little  saloon  stood  on  the  corner.  The  houses 
did  not  present  the  solid  red  brick  front  of  the  usual 
tenement  street,  with  its  delusive  appearance  of  re- 
spectability. The  buildings  were  irregular;  some 
were  low  and  shack-like.  Their  windows  faced  Jersey 
and  the  nightly  glory  of  the  sunset,  but  even  this  could 
not  redeem  the  sordidness  and  squalor  of  the  neigh- 
borhood. 

From  these  surroundings  came  two  trim  little  figures. 
They  were  school  girls,  still  with  all  the  ways  and  traits 
of  little  girls.  Their  hair  was  drawn  smoothly  into 
straight  black  braids.  Their  eyes  were  round  and 
wide  awake.  The  neatness  of  their  dress  spoke  of 
continual  care.  They  were  alert  and  well-mannered, 
brimming  with  interest  and  comment.  In  short,  they 
were  bright,  normal,  ordinary  children.  What  this 
meant  as  an  achievement  can  only  be  measured  by  the 
obstacles  which  this  one  mother  had  overcome. 

She  had  had  the  help  neither  of  good  fortune 
nor  of  training.  She  had  fashioned  her  product  with  her 
own  pitiful,  clumsy  tools.  A  large-boned,  uncouth 
Irish  woman,  she  still  bore  the  stamp  of  the  soil.  Her 
education  had  been  that  of  life,  a  life  of  hard  knocks  and 
rough  going.  Plain,  coarse,  with  the  burr  in  her  speech, 
bent  and  weakened  physically,  she  did  not  present  an 
attractive  appearance.  But  it  was  her  boast  that  she 
"  never  got  anything  from  no  society — never  knew  much 
about  them  places — never  had  to,  thank  God."  Rela- 
tives had  helped  when  the  hardest  pinches  came;  but 

25 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


for  the  most  part  the  family  had  plodded  on  alone. 
But  even  such  parents  cannot  master  poverty.  In 
turn  they  must  pay  toll  to  its  resistless  strength.  For 
the  smallest  girl  of  five  was  a  wan,  great-eyed  baby 
whose  puckered  lips  were  drawn  with  pain  and  on 
whom  the  shadow  of  death  already  lay.  The  terms  of 
life  cannot  be  utterly  remade. 

In  one  of  the  sordid  tenements  wedged  into  a  narrow 
space  as  yet  unclaimed  by  business  this  mother  had 
found  a  shelter  for  her  brood.  Four  rooms  "through" 
with  a  cupboard  were  rented  to  her  for  $9.00  a  month 
and  her  services  as  janitress,  which  were  reckoned  as 
worth  $3.00.  Thus,  while  her  flat  would  otherwise  have 
cost  $12  a  month  and  have  absorbed  exactly  one  week 
of  her  husband's  wages,  she  saved  $3.00  out  of  the 
rent  to  spend  on  food  for  her  family  of  six.  This  was 
the  important  fact  which  had  kept  them  on  Eleventh 
Avenue  from  year  to  year,  though  the  mother  always 
hoped  that  each  winter  would  be  her  last  in  the 
house. 

But  not  all  families  have  the  fortitude,  the  endurance, 
the  power  of  ceaseless,  undiminished  effort  which  this 
particular  group  possessed.  Even  with  those  who 
accept  the  challenge  and  make  the  continual  effort  to 
keep  their  heads  above  water,  strength  and  courage 
sometimes  break.  The  loss  of  two  days'  work  for  a 
daughter  whose  full  week's  wage  amounts  to  only 
$4.00  or  $5.00  may  mean  a  family  tragedy.  What  else- 
where are  incidents,  are  hazards  here. 

We  have  fallen  into  the  habit  of  looking  to  the  mother 
as  the  mainstay  of  the  family.  She  is  held  to  a  rigorous 
standard  which  neither  husband  nor  children  are  re- 
quired to  measure  up  to.     We  expect  her  to  counteract 

26 


IN    THE    GRIP   OF    POVERTY 

the  difficulties  and  evil  influences  cf  her  environment 
by  possessing  all  the  known  virtues  of  character.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  worry  and  strain  of  insecurity  be- 
come too  great  for  many  a  woman.  She  grows  apa- 
thetic, careless,  and  stolid,  or  she  becomes  querulous  and 
neurotic.  Perhaps  she  takes  to  drink.  Drinking  is 
rife  on  the  West  Side;  it  is  the  easy  and  familiar 
escape  from  worry  and  discouragement.  For  the 
woman  who  drinks  there  is  scant  sympathy  or  tolera- 
tion. The  decent,  hardworking  mother  has  no  patience 
with  her.  If  the  victim  is  putting  up  any  fight  at  all 
it  is  a  desperate  and  a  solitary  one,  for  she  can  expect 
no  help  from  others.  With  every  lapse,  every  slipping 
back  from  the  precarious  foothold  gained  so  painfully, 
she  is  met  by  scorn  and  reproach  from  her  judges  with 
whom  the  long  weeks  of  effort  do  not  count  when  once 
she  has  failed.  To  rise  many  times  from  the  utmost 
depths  of  despair  and  bitterness  is  not  given  to  human 
nature,  and  she  ends  as  an  outcast. 

I  am  thinking  of  one  black,  terrible  half  hour  with  a 
woman  of  my  acquaintance.  A  thunder  storm  darkened 
all  the  outer  world  and  almost  no  light  entered  the 
kitchen  where  we  sat.  It  was  one  of  the  two  small  rear- 
house  rooms  that  she  rented  for  $8.50  a  month.  This 
day  it  was  stifling  and  unswept,  cluttered  with  little 
piles  of  her  rubbish.  She  was  going  to  move;  she  had 
been  dispossessed.  She  had  lost  her  job,  a  position  held 
for  three  months  after  a  winter  when  she  had  hunted 
work  for  weeks.  For  seven  years  she  had  kept  up  a 
home  for  her  girl  and  boy,  one  year  during  the  illness  of 
her  husband  who  drank  and  beat  her,  and  six  years 
after  his  death.  She  had  looked  forward  to  the  time 
when  Sadie  should  get  her  working  papers;  but  the  girl 

27 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

was  incompetent  and  irresponsible  and  failed  to  keep 
any  job  for  long. 

This  year  had  brought  the  mother  her  first  out-of- 
work  experience.  In  the  course  of  it  she  had  slipped  far 
behind.  But  with  every  seven  dollars'  pay  during  the 
past  three  months  she  had  climbed  slowly  back.  The 
rent  was  even.  The  insurance  agent  lacked  a  single 
dollar.  Every  night  on  coming  home  she  had  figured 
slowly  and  clumsily  with  the  aid  of  her  boy  "  Petie." 
She  had  "built  castles,  which  no  one  had  ought  to  do." 
Castles!  Dreams  of  a  new  suit  for  herself  and  Sadie, 
of  whole  shoes  for  Petie  which  should  not  be  begged 
from  his  school ;  dreams  in  the  future  of  an  "all-through" 
apartment,  even  with  rugs,  and  curtains  of  cheap  lace. 
But  again  thrown  out  of  work,  hope  was  gone. 

She  was  a  woman  slow  and  clumsy  of  movement, 
who  went  through  her  plodding  days  quietly  and 
dumbly,  with  a  certain  trembling  hesitance.  But  her 
rusty  black  clothes  were  always  neat.  The  house- 
keeper said,  "  You  c'd  tell  she  was  respectable."  It  was 
a  cherished  respectability.  She  suffered  bitter  pangs 
when  she  saw  it  fall  away.  Today  her  tongue  was 
loosened  by  drink.  She  talked  quickly,  with  an  un- 
accustomed rise  and  fall  of  speech,  and  with  fluency  of 
gesture.  She  clung  to  Petie,  possessed  with  the  idea 
that  someone  was  trying  to  take  him  away.  "They 
shall  not  take  me  boy.  The  girl  is  wild;  she  has  me 
heart  broke.  I've  worked  and  I've  tried  an'  it's  all 
come  to  this.  But  I  won't  be  parted  fr'm  me  boy." 
And  again  and  again,  the  voice  rising  to  a  cry,  "I've 
been  turned  down — turned  down  I  am.  I'm  not  a  young 
woman  now  an'  you  know  I  can't  stand  it — turned 
down  hard  I've  been." 

28 


IN    THE    GRIP    OF    POVERTY 

Without  doubt  some  women  of  the  dependent  classes 
are  strongly  braced  in  their  morals  by  the  rigorous 
standard  to  which  we  hold  them.  The  consciousness 
that  nothing  but  the  best  of  conduct  will  be  excused  in 
them  must  serve  as  a  constant  stimulus  to  heroic  living. 
But  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  doubtless  many  who 
have  drifted  to  the  bottom  as  the  result  of  a  first  lapse 
which  might  have  been  excused  and  survived  under  a 
less  rigorous  standard.  There  are  too  many  who  share 
the  decent  working  woman's  point  of  view.  "When  a 
woman  takes  to  the  can,  she  ain't  got  no  good  left." 

(Many  of  our  girls  came  from  homes  where  the  par- 
ents were  heavy  and  constant  drinkers.*  They  were 
familiar  with  the  appearance  of  drunkenness.  It  does 
not  revolt  such  girls  when  it  breaks  out  in  a  place  of 
amusement.  They  do  not  resent  it  in  their  boy 
companions  but  view  it  on  the  whole  with  unconcern. 
But  they  come  to  be  wary  of  its  manifestations  in  others 
and  even  unconsciously  expert  in  inebriate  psychology. 
There  was  one  family  where  the  alcoholic  father  was 
always  turned  over  to  the  fourteen-year-old  daughter 
during  his  "sprees"  to  be  managed.  When  he  was  in 
this  condition  she  was  "the  only  one  who  could  do 
anything  with  him."  Surely  an  ominous  ability  for  a 
fourteen-year-old  daughter! 

In  a  neighborhood  like  the  Middle  West  Side,  poverty 
is  seldom  found  isolated  from  its  menacing  concomi- 
tants— ignorance,  immorality,  drinking,  filth,  and  deg- 
radation. Whether  as  cause  or  result,  these  appear  as 
close  companions  of  want.    Some  of  our  girls  came  from 

*  Of  the  55  families,  25  were  affected  by  excessive  drinking  on  the 
part  of  one  or  both  parents.  Twelve  of  the  mothers  were  known  to 
drink  to  excess.     For  further  discussion,  see  Appendix  A,  p.  129. 

29 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

families  which  hovered  constantly  on  the  verge  of  dis- 
ruption. The  arrogant,  decisive  power  of  the  law 
always  hung  over  them  like  the  sword  of  Damocles, 
threatening  dismemberment. 

Here  was  Annie  Brink,  who  came  to  her  club  with 
Hyde  and  Jekyll  moods.  Sometimes  she  was  gentle 
and  tractable.  Sometimes  she  looked  out  sullenly  from 
a  cloud  of  morbid  depression  and  gloom  impossible  to 
pierce.  She  had  grown  up  in  a  world  of  sudden  disasters. 
Almost  from  babyhood  she  had  been  a  household 
drudge.  There  were  seven  children  in  the  family  and 
Annie,  the  eldest  daughter,  was  early  pressed  into 
service  as  general  houseworker  and  nurse  for  the 
younger  ones.  To  take  proper  care  of  seven  young 
children  is  too  big  a  job  for  one  woman,  and  Annie's 
mother  was  certainly  much  too  gay  and  irresponsible 
by  disposition  to  attempt  it.  "There  was  seven  of  us 
kids,"  said  Annie,  "so  I  had  to  help.  I  wasn't  let  out 
on  the  street  much  when  I  was  little.  One  house 
where  we  were  had  a  back  yard  and  we'd  play  there. 
But  then  we  moved.  When  we  went  on  to  Tenth 
Avenue  there  was  a  fire  escape.  We'd  take  pillows  out 
there  and  sit.  It  was  just  grand.  Then  I  always  could 
play  on  the  organ.  It  was  mamma's  since  she  married, 
but  she  don't  use  it  any  more.  It's  the  same  as  mine 
now.  It  stays  locked,  because  if  all  seven  of  us  used  it 
there  wouldn't  be  any  organ  soon." 

At  nine,  Annie  was  a  shy  and  backward  child.  Then 
she  lost  the  sight  of  one  eye  by  infecting  it  from  an 
abscessed  finger.  The  new  physical  defect  kept  her  out 
of  school  and  the  housekeeping  was  transferred  more 
and  more  to  her  young  shoulders.  She  had  never  had 
a  friend  of  her  own  age  until  at  thirteen  she  attached 

30 


IN    THE    GRIP    OF    POVERTY 


herself  to  a  girl  of  a  vigorous  personality.  Agnes  was 
rough  and  quick  to  strike,  like  a  boy,  strong  and 
generous.  She  protected  her  new  friend  and  took  her 
out  to  see  the  world.  They  went  to  a  school  recreation 
center  several  blocks  north  and  Agnes  saw  that  Annie 
was  not  molested  on  their  way.  "  We  wasn't  afraid  of 
anything  with  Agnes."  Then  abruptly  the  strong 
protector  was  removed  by  a  yet  stronger  power. 
Agnes  was  "  put  away."  Annie  reported,  "  They  won't 
let  her  out  till  she  is  twenty-one.  They're  awful 
strict.     It  makes  us  all  feel  bad." 

Such  things  are  accepted  happenings  in  Annie's 
world.  They  are  the  acts  of  a  power  quite  beyond  its 
influence.  Annie  took  the  loss  of  her  champion  with 
philosophy  and  stayed  at  home  once  more.  She  did 
not  dare  go  to  the  recreation  center  alone.  Then  came 
another  thunderbolt.  Her  mother,  who  had  entered 
upon  the  familiar  way  of  middle-aged  West  Side  women 
who  lack  the  stamina  that  the  grim  struggle  demands, 
was  brought  into  court,  charged  with  drunkenness,  and 
sentenced  to  the  workhouse.  The  smaller  brothers 
and  sisters  were  also  taken  away.  Since  then  life  had 
been  one  succession  of  strange  women  brought  in  as 
housekeepers.  There  were  interludes  between  trials 
of  the  various  incompetents  when  the  full  care  fell 
on  the  young  girl.  She  was  in  school  only  a  few  hours 
a  day,  because  her  single  eye  had  been  weakened.  She 
had  grown  up  on  the  edge  of  a  volcano.  At  fourteen 
she  was,  by  her  school  record,  "peevish  and  extremely 
stubborn  and  difficult  to  handle." 

Such  precarious  conditions  of  living  are  especially 
unfavorable  for  the  adolescent  daughter.  The  in- 
stability of  her  age  is  accentuated  by  the  uncertainties 

3« 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

of  her  life.  Foresight  and  steadiness  of  purpose  are 
not  easily  taught  when  the  essentials  of  existence  de- 
pend upon  chance.  The  girl  sees  around  her  all  sorts 
of  makeshifts  and  haphazard  expedients.  One  of  our 
girls  tried  to  avert  a  family  disaster.  Dispossession 
threatened  at  the  end  of  the  week.  Mrs.  Derks  was 
in  despair,  and  helplessly  she  resigned  the  situation  to 
Emma.  With  their  last  $3.00  the  girl  bought  a  lamp 
and  some  hundreds  of  printed  tickets.  The  lamp  was 
put  in  a  saloon  window.  The  tickets  were  to  be  sold 
in  a  raffle  which  was  to  pay  the  rent.  They  did  not 
sell  and  the  rent  went  unpaid.  "  I  told  her  it 
wouldn't  do  no  good,"  a  neighbor  said.  "She  should  a' 
got  a  watch." 

But  as  poverty  is  the  enemy  of  adolescence,  adoles- 
cence is  the  adversary  of  poverty.  The  vivifying  forces 
of  youth  are  a  protection  against  the  depleting  effects 
of  want  and  insecurity.  The  girl  does  not  take  to  drink 
as  her  mother  does.  Weeks  of  want  are  quickly  for- 
gotten in  a  following  period  of  comfort.  When  kind- 
liness and  cheer  once  more  prevail  in  her  home,  con- 
sciousness of  the  lack  of  ease  and  loveliness  is  shaken 
from  her.  With  the  buoyancy  of  youth  she  rebounds 
at  the  slightest  release.  But  all  too  often  her  respite 
is  brief,  and  when  periods  of  want  follow  too  closely 
upon  each  other,  her  powers  of  recovery  must  fail. 


32 


CHAPTER   III 
WHERE  THE  SCHOOL  LAW  FAILED 

AT  five  or  six  years  of  age,  the  girl  starts  to 
school;  between  fourteen  and  sixteen,  she 
leaves  school  for  good  and  goes  to  work.  The 
eight  or  nine  years  which  lie  between  make  up  the  full 
period  of  her  formal  education.  She  must  acquire  dur- 
ing these  years  of  compulsory  school  attendance  all 
the  "learning"  which  the  law  of  the  state  fixes  as  a 
minimum  for  its  workers. 

She  has  a  wide  choice  of  schools.  Between  Thirty- 
eighth  and  Forty-third  Streets  are  the  buildings  of 
four  different  systems.  The  public  schools,  the  paro- 
chial schools,  the  Children's  Aid  Society  school,  and  the 
American  Female  Guardian  Society  school  are  all  wait- 
ing with  open  arms  to  receive  her.  Often  she  is  simply 
sent  to  the  nearest  school  building.  To  cross  the 
crowded  avenues  is  more  or  less  hazardous  for  a  six- 
year-old.  Or,  she  is  taken  by  an  older  child  to  the  school 
attended  by  her  protector.  In  this  case,  it  is  "Mary's 
school"  that  is  chosen,  and  the  various  systems  men- 
tioned have  nothing  to  do  with  the  decision.  Some- 
times, however,  one  of  them  is  chosen  by  the  parents 
because  of  its  particular  specialty.  The  church  school 
teaches  "prayers,"  the  "soup"  school,  as  the  Children's 
Aid  Society  is  called  in  the  neighborhood,  gives  a  free 
lunch  and  shoes  and  warm  red  petticoats.    The  children 

33 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


of  the  poorest  poor  are  likely  to  go  there.     The  public 
schools  are  in  general  considered  best  for  "learning." 

After  the  original  choice  has  been  made,  neither 
parents  nor  child  feel  bound  to  stick  to  it.  A  great 
deal  of  shifting  about  takes  place,  only  a  small  part 
of  which  is  necessary.  Some  of  the  local  schools  carry 
their  pupils  only  through  the  primary  classes  and  must 
then  transfer  their  small  graduates  to  another  building 
and  another  street  to  enter  the  grammar  grades.  For 
many  reasons,  this  single  change  may  be  wise,  but  very 
often  it  is  only  the  beginning  of  a  succession  of  transfers. 
The  break  is  an  occasion  to  try  out  two  or  three  new 
places  before  settling  down.  In  the  meantime,  the  little 
wanderer  goes  through  a  period  of  unsettled  plans,  and 
incidentally  loses  considerable  time  from  her  lessons. 

A  free  choice  of  schools  and  a  free  use  of  the  transfer 
are  the  chief  concessions  made  by  the  compulsory  school 
•  law  to  parental  authority.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is 
not  always  parental  authority  which  transfers  little 
Mamie  from  school  to  school,  but  the  child's  own 
flitting,  aimless  spirit.  In  the  middle  of  a  term,  for 
almost  any  cause,  she  is  likely  to  drop  out  of  her  class 
and  claim  the  right  to  transfer.  A  quarrel  with  a 
schoolmate,  a  friend  in  another  school,  a  dispute  with 
the  teacher, — these  are  the  sort  of  trivial  reasons 
which  result  in  sudden  transfers. 

Our  girls  had  made  the  most  of  their  transfer  privi- 
leges. One  of  them  had  attended  nine  different  schools 
on  the  West  Side;  another  had  attended  eight;  two 
had  attended  seven;  one  had  attended  six;  two  had 
attended  five;  and  four  had  attended  four;  16  had  at- 
tended three;  21  had  attended  two;  and  only  eight 
had  continued  throughout  in  the  same  school.    There 

34 


WHERE    THE    SCHOOL    LAW    FAILED 

were  five  girls  who  had  come  from  institutions,  and 
four  whose  school  careers  were  unknown. 

These  interruptions  mean  a  serious  waste  from  the 
girl's  meager  allowance  of  time  for  schooling.  She 
passes  at  each  shift  to  a  new  set  of  teachers  who  know 
'  nothing  of  her  record  and  tendencies.  Frequently  she 
is  put  back  a  grade.  She  resents  this,  grows  discouraged, 
and  perhaps  loses  interest.  Besides,  so  much  ease  in 
changing  weakens  the  school's  authority.  It  is,  how- 
ever, a  safeguard  against  the  rigidity  of  a  single  auto- 
cratic system.  It  gives  some  room  for  experiment  with 
a  difficult  child,  until  the  regime  and  the  teacher  with 
whom  she  will  fit  may  be  found.  A  restriction  of  the 
transfer  would  certainly  be  a  blow  to  the  truant  officer's 
method  of  dealing  with  girls.  At  present  it  constitutes 
his  one  suggestion,  his  only  "golden  cure." 

The  girl's  schooling  begins  to  suffer  as  soon  as  there 
is  any  especial  need  for  assistance  at  home.*  Two  or 
three  days  are  dropped  repeatedly.  Wage-earning  sis- 
ters cannot  stop  at  home  to  nurse  an  invalid  or  care 
for  younger  children  while  the  mother  works.  When 
a  new  baby  comes,  it  is  the  oldest  school  girl  who 
I  carries  the  extra  burden  of  work.  Even  the  most 
devoted  mothers  make  these  encroachments  on  the 
time  which  belongs  to  the  school.  They  are  driven  to 
it  by  necessity.  "What  can  I  do?  There  ain't  no- 
body else  and  I've  got  to  keep  Mamie  t'  help." 

When  Mrs.  Kersey  went  to  the  hospital,  it  was 
"  Baby,"  the  eleven-year-old  daughter,  who  was  kept 
out  of  school  to  do  the  work,  and  not  her  older  sister 

*  For  data  concerning  attendance  in  four  schools  in  the  West  Side 
district,  and  a  comparison  with  attendance  in  all  the  public  schools, 
see  Appendix  B,  p.  132. 

35 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


employed  in  a  factory.  "You  ought  t'  'a'  seen  how 
Baby  run  our  house," — her  wage-earning  sister  was 
giving  the  account.  "Gee,  but  she  was  that  strict,  be- 
lieve me.  I  couldn't  have  a  cent  o'  my  money.  No 
shows  them  days  fer  mine.  She  cried  if  me  father 
didn't  give  'er  his  pay  an'  she  made  him,  too.  She'd 
give  him  his  quarter  fer  shavin'  money,  but  not  a  cent 
more.  An'  she  bought  everythin'  an'  run  things  her- 
self. Me  mother  was  away  sick  fer  nine  months. 
Baby,  she's  an  awful  good  girl." 

Emma  Larkey,  having  at  last  struggled  up  to  Class 
5B,  had  just  dropped  out  of  school  for  good.  She  was 
normal  in  body  and  mind.  She  should  have  been  in 
the  graduating  class.  Why  wasn't  she?  In  the  first 
place,  she  had  changed  schools  eight  times  since  her 
start,  wandering  indifferently  from  public  to  parochial 
school  and  then  back  again.  In  the  second  place,  there 
were  five  younger  children  and  she  was  constantly 
being  kept  at  home.  The  mother  patched  grain  sacks 
in  order  to  pay  rent  for  a  well  lighted  apartment  of  five 
rooms.  "There  are  nine  of  us,  and  if  I  don't  work, 
we'd  have  to  crowd  up  an'  sleep  in  those  black  stuffy 
bedrooms.  I  can't  bear  for  the  children  to  do  that." 
Decent  living  quarters  and  fresh  air  for  the  whole 
family  seemed  more  important  than  Emma's  schooling. 
Something  must  give  way  under  such  pressure  and  so 
it  was  Emma  who  went  down.  She  had  braced  her 
young  shoulders  to  tasks  more  difficult  than  school 
lessons  and  had  lost  all  desire  to  finish  the  grammar 
grades  by  the  time  the  second  girl  was  old  enough  to 
relieve  her  at  home. 

The  result  of  so  much  absence  was  seen  in  the  great 
retardation  among  our  girls.     Thirteen  to  fifteen  is 

36 


WHERE    THE    SCHOOL    LAW    FAILED 

regarded  as  the  normal  age  for  graduation,*  and  by  this 
standard  only  10  of  our  65  girls  were  in  the  normal 
grade.  All  the  rest  were  "laggards."  There  were,  for 
instance,  35  girls  who  were  fourteen  years  old,  the 
normal  age  for  graduation.  Some  of  them  had  gone  to 
work,  while  others  were  still  in  school.  The  grades 
they  had  left  or  were  still  attending  are  shown  in  the 
following  distribution:  Two  had  reached  the  3B  grade; 
four,  4A;  three,  4B;  one,  5A;  four,  5B;  four,  6A;  four, 
6B;  five,  7A;  three,  7B;  and  four,  8A.  One  girl  had 
been  in  an  institution.  The  girls  are  thus  seen  to  have 
been  distributed  almost  impartially  from  the  third  to 
the  eighth  grade.  There  was  for  them  practically  no 
relation  between  age  and  grade. 

An  occasional  girl  is  defiantly  truant.  Her  refusal  to 
fit  into  the  school  system  marks  a  deeper  vein  of  re- 
bellion than  in  the  case  of  the  boy,  who  more  commonly 
slips  the  leading  strings.  Or  else  it  marks  an  un- 
developed body  and  spirit  in  dealing  with  which  the 
usual  forcible  methods  of  combating  truancy  are  often 
ineffectual. 

Annie  Gibson  was  a  slim,  undersized  girl  of  fifteen. 
Her  light,  almost  colorless  hair  hung  down  around 
small,  undeveloped  features,  strikingly  vacant  and 
weak.  Her  teeth,  very  small  and  deeply  set,  might  have 
been  the  milk  teeth  of  a  well-developed  baby.  Sur- 
rounded by  a  cover  of  reticence  and  a  surface  of 
embarrassment,  her  real  thoughts  were  impossible  to 
discover.  She  would  agree  to  anything  but  would 
seldom  volunteer  an  opinion  of  her  own. 

In  school  she  was  a  passive  pupil,  never  "giving 

*  Ayres,  Leonard  P. :  Laggards  in  Our  Schools,  p.  38.  Russell 
Sage  Foundation  Publication.  New  York,  Charities  Publication 
Committee,  1909. 

37 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

trouble"  but  learning  little,  and  her  attendance  record 
was  very  low.  In  time  she  furnished  one  of  the  most 
stubborn  cases  of  truancy  in  the  school  and  the 
truant  officer  was  sent  after  her.  He  found  her  at 
.  home  alone,  the  girl's  mother  being  away  at  her  regular 
work  as  chambermaid  in  a  hotel.  As  the  officer  laid  his 
hand  on  her  arm  to  take  her  back  to  school,  the  child's 
passivity  suddenly  broke  and  she  flung  herself  on  the 
floor,  screaming.  The  man  retreated  in  consternation, 
fearful  that  he  might  be  accused  of  having  physically 
mishandled  the  child,  while  Annie  was  left  to  recover 
from  her  hysterical  outbreak  as  well  as  she  could.  This 
is  only  one  instance  of  the  futility  of  applying  our 
present  method  of  dealing  with  truancy  to  these  excep- 
tional cases.  This  child  was  primarily  in  need  of  careful 
mental  and  physical  examination  and  probably  of 
special  training  which  could  only  be  defined  after  such 
an  examination  had  been  made. 

When  the  difficulty  rests  with  the  girl  there  is  no 
course  between  threats  and  a  sentence  of  great  severity. 
The  parent  may  be  fined,  but  then  the  punishment  does 
not  fall  on  the  child.  If  she  is  sent  away  it  must  be 
to  a  reformatory,  not  to  a  school.  Let  us  see  how  these 
'methods  would  work  applied  to  Christina  Cull,  another 
of  our  girls  who  was  a  stubborn  truant.  At  fourteen, 
she  had  reached  Class  4A.  She  had  not  "made  her 
days";  that  is,  attended  school  for  130  days  during  the 
year  prior  to  her  fourteenth  birthday.  Nor  had  she  gone 
far  enough  in  her  classes  to  get  her  working  papers.  But 
Christina  refused  to  pass  the  doorway  of  a  school.  She 
had  gone  far  beyond  the  influence  of  the  ordinary  school. 

Five  years  before,  one  of  the  Catholic  fathers  had 
found  her  loitering  in  the  rear  of  his  church.     It  was 

33 


WHERE    THE    SCHOOL    LAW    FAILED 

soon  after  Christmas  and  he  stopped  to  ask  about  her 
holiday.  She  answered  shortly  that  she  had  had 
neither  presents  nor  a  good  time.  His  interest  in  the 
pathetic,  sullen  child  took  him  later  to  her  home.  The 
family  was  squalidly  poor.  They  lived  in  three  dark 
basement  rooms,  without  comfort  or  decency.  The 
father,  after  four  years  of  desertion,  had  returned 
home  in  the  final  stage  of  tuberculosis  to  be  cared  for 
until  his  death. 

Christina  had  grown  into  a  forbidding  girl.  Her  face 
was  so  lined  and  so  hard  that  she  looked  years  older 
than  she  was.  The  childlike  effect  of  her  flowing  hair 
and  long  bangs  contrasted  oddly  with  the  age  and  hard- 
ness of  her  features.  She  might  almost  have  been  a 
middle-aged  woman  masquerading  as  a  little  girl.  The 
truant  officer  went  after  her  time  and  again,  only  to 
listen  to  the  mother's  repeated  complaint.  Christina 
was  "out  from  under"  her;  she  went  where  she  listed. 
Threats  were  long  since  outworn  and  useless.  She  had 
heard  them  from  babyhood.  "Aw — they  talk  but  they 
won't  do  nothinY'  Occasionally  she  would  grow 
frightened  and  penitent  for  the  moment.  But  re-enter 
the  ordinary  school  and  sit  in  the  classes  with  the 
younger  children,  she  would  not. 

No  course  was  left  but  to  take  the  culprit  before  the 
superintendent  and  enter  a  formal  complaint  against 
her.  There  would  then  be  two  plans  of  action  which 
might  be  followed:  Christina's  mother — her  father  had 
died  in  the  meantime — might  be  fined  in  the  magis- 
trate's court  or  Christina  might  be  committed  to  a  re- 
formatory. To  fine  the  mother  of  a  family  already  on 
the  verge  of  dependency  was  manifestly  futile.  On 
the  other  hand,  a  reformatory  sentence  for  a  girl  whose 

39 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 


only  offense  was  that  she  refused  to  go  to  school  seemed 
much  too  severe.  In  the  face  of  this  dilemma  no  action 
at  all  was  taken.  Christina,  without  working  papers, 
without  work,  was  left  to  employ  her  illegal  holidays 
in  her  own  way.  Her  only  chance  for  positive  discipline 
was  that  she  might  soon  become  a  serious  offender  for 
whom  a  reformatory  sentence  might  not  be  too  severe. 
For  girls  like  Christina  the  only  remedy  seems  to  be  that 
they  shall  grow  worse  before  they  can  grow  better. 
Such  a  roundabout  and  wasteful  course  might  be  ob- 
viated if  we  had  a  truant  school  for  girls,  as  we  already 
have  for  boys,  especially  planned  for  their  needs. 

It  is  a  common  occurrence  for  a  girl  to  escape  from 
school  at  thirteen  or  fourteen  without  open  defiance  of 
the  labor  law.  Of  our  65  girls,  at  least  nine  had  left 
school  illegally.  Their  escape  was  accomplished  by 
petty  frauds  of  various  kinds.  One  girl  gave  the  school 
a  false  address;  another  altered  the  date  on  her  birth 
certificate.  Two  had  been  absent  for  illness  and  had 
never  returned.  Others  simply  "dropped  out"  and 
their  defection  was  not  followed  up  by  the  school,  which 
with  its  limited  number  of  attendance  officers  is  bound 
to  neglect  many  such  cases.  These  are  some  of  the 
usual  loopholes  by  which  the  girl  evades  the  school  law. 

The  young  refugee  does  not  always  find  it  easy  to  get 
her  working  papers  at  once.  The  required  record  of 
130  days'  attendance  during  the  previous  year  is  a 
serious  stumbling  block,  although  it  allows  for  70 
absences  out  of  a  possible  200  attendances.  In  the 
public  schools  she  has  to  reach  a  5  B  grade*  and  pass  an 

*  In  1913  the  requirements  were  raised  so  that  a  child  under 
sixteen  must  reach  a  7A  grade  before  she  can  take  the  school 
examinations.  The  board  of  health  requirements  also  have  been 
strengthened. 

40 


WHERE   THE    SCHOOL    LAW    FAILED 

educational  test  before  the  school  papers  which  she 
must  present  at  the  board  of  health  are  signed.  There 
the  mental  test  is  simpler — a  mere  proof  of  ability  to 
read  and  write.  She  is  tested  on  two  or  three  primer 
sentences,  such  as,  "  Is  my  mother  in  this  room?"  She 
is  then  weighed  and  measured;  and  occasionally  a 
child  much  under  average  is  rejected.  Failing  in  any 
of  the  requirements,  the  girl  must  wait  until  she  is 
sixteen,  when  she  may  legally  go  to  work  without 
papers.  In  the  meantime  she  helps  at  home,  or  "livesr 
out,"  or  finds  an  employer  who  is  willing  to  connive  at 
her  lack  of  working  papers. 

These  are  the  girls  who  evade  the  law.  Those  who  are 
obedient  to  its  requirements  are  scarcely  less«*eager  to 
escape.  Almost  without  exception,  the  girls  of  our 
district  step  eagerly  forth  from  the  school  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment.  Not  a  girl  of  our  clubs  had  stayed  in 
school  longer  than  the  law  required  or  long  enough  to 
"graduate"  from  the  eighth  grade.  To  continue  in 
school  after  you  can  get  your  working  papers  is  a  sign 
of  over-education  and  is  not  popular. 

In  thus  leaving  school  as  soon  as  the  law  allows, 
family  need  very  often  plays  a  part.  Sometimes  the 
younger  girl  has  begun  to  lend  a  hand  during  vacations. 
The  Donovans  tell  how  "Sissy"  got  a  job  at  eleven. 
It  was  the  summer  when  both  parents  were  ill  and  out 
of  work.  They  still  chuckle  with  appreciation  of  Sissy's 
enterprise.  "You'd  ought  to  ha'  seen  her.  She  let 
down  her  skirts  and  done  up  her  hair.  She  was  just  a 
bit  o'  a  thing — not  twelve  then.  She  come  out  one 
mornin'  an'  said,  '  Ma,  I'm  goin'  to  go  to  work's  well  as 
Mame.'  We  laughed  at  'er  but  she  set  out.  So  that 
day  she  come  back  an'  sure  enough  she'd  got  a  job  in  a 

4i 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

chewin'  gum  fact'ry,  wrappin'  packages.  There  was 
a  graphophone  an'  at  lunch  time  all  the  girls  danced. 
Oh,  she  had  a  grand  time,  be-lieve  me.  There  was  a  lot 
o'  little  girls  whose  mothers  were  poor.  When  the 
inspector  come,  they'd  hide  Sissy  under  the  table.  We 
most  died  laughin'  when  she  brought  her  first  week's 
pay — 85  cents!  Now,  what  d'ye  think  about  that? 
She  come  in  here  an'  give  it  t'  me  as  proud  's  if  it  had 
been  dollars  instead." 

It  is  not  surprising  that  after  a  vacation  adventure 
like  this  Sissy  began  to  lose  interest  in  school.  Work- 
ing in  a  factory  is  not  all  fun,  but  it  brings  a  measure 

'  of  independence  which  the  young  personality  craves 
beyond  all  else.     It  is   not   always  stern   need  alone 

*"  which  sends  the  girl  out  to  work  at  such  an  early  age. 
Parents  may  call  on  her  in  times  of  special  stress  and 
insist  on  her  returning  to  school  as  soon  as  the  pressure 
is  removed.  But  public  opinion  among  the  girls  them- 
selves is  strong  and  decided  on  this  point.  "  I  don't 
mind  studyin',  but  all  my  friends  are  goin'  t'  work,  an' 
I  don't  want  t'  stay.  My  mother  an'  brothers  all 
holler  at  me,  but  I'm  kickin'  to  leave.  Graduate? 
Gee,  stay  two  years?    Not  for  me — it's  too  slow." 

The  girl's  restlessness  demands  at  this  age  something 
very  new  and  vivid.  This  the  school  has  so  far  failed 
to  supply.  She  thinks  she  may  find  it  in  work.  And 
by  the  time  she  has  discovered  that  work  too  grows 
tedious  and  monotonous,  her  greater  independence  has 
enabled  her  to  make  free  use  of  her  evenings  for  the 
changes  and  new  experiences  she  craves. 


42 


CHAPTER  IV 

WAGE-EARNING  AND  NEW  RELATIONS 
AT  HOME 

OUR  West  Side  girl  sets  out  some  morning, short- 
skirted,  hair  in  braids,  absurdly  childish,  to 
find  her  minute  place  in  the  great  industrial 
world.  Probably  she  strolls  through  the  streets,  look- 
ing for  "Girl  Wanted"  signs.  She  will  try  at  one  of 
the  big  factories  nearby.  Or,  if  she  is  fortunate,  some 
friend  who  is  already  working  there  speaks  for  her. 
The  more  enterprising  buy  the  World  and  consult  its 
long  columns  of  advertisements. 

The  West  Side  factories  take  in  the  majority  of  the 
work  seekers.  A  few  with  especial  pretensions  to  "  re- 
finement,"or  whose  families  sincerely  dread  the  physical 
strain  and  supposedly  lower  social  and  moral  standards 
of  the  factory,  go  into  department  stores  or  become 
errand  girls  to  milliners  or  dressmakers.  But  most 
of  the  girls  prefer  the  higher  wages  of  the  factory. 
Lizzie  Wade,  herself  a  laundry  worker,  was  perfectly 
clear  in  her  sixteen-year-old  mind  as  to  the  advantages 
of  factory  work  over  department  store  work.  "  In  the 
first  place,"  she  pointed  out,  "the  factory  girl  gets 
better  pay,  and  if  she  hasn't  any  home,  she  can  always 
get  a  family  to  live  with.  The  girl  that  works  in  a 
store  lives  in  the  cheapest  boarding  houses,  and  gets 
soaked  for  her  board  just  the  same." 

43 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


Few  sixteen-year-old  workers  are  as  wise  as  Lizzie. 
Many  of  them,  no  doubt,  are  vaguely  influenced  by 
reasons  just  as  practical  in  preferring  the  factory  to  the 
store,  though  they  are  less  able  to  express  them.  But 
if  they  are  asked  to  justify  their  preferences,  they  are 
likely  to  return  very  childish  answers.  "Tootsie" 
O'Brien  had  achieved  her  working  papers  at  fourteen 
and  a  half  and  was  looking  for  a  place.  It  was  signifi- 
cant that  Tootsie,  who  had  qualified  as  a  wage-earner, 
had  not  yet  outgrown  her  baby  name  at  home.  She 
was  willing  to  take  any  kind  of  work,  she  said,  but  liked 
housework  best.  She  wanted  to  "live  out"  because 
her  brother  was  always  fighting  with  her.  However, 
she  soon  changed  her  mind,  as  her  sister,  who  had  been 
a  servant  before  her  marriage,  told  her  that  she  wouldn't 
be  allowed  out  when  at  service.  She  finally  went  to 
work  in  a  factory. 

Girls  of  this  type  do  the  most  unskilled  work  in  the 
entire  scale  of  factory  occupations.  They  are  not 
equal  to  the  high  grade,  skilled  work  of  the  garment 
trades  and  textile  industries.  An  inquiry  concerning 
the  occupations  of  26  girls  showed  the  following  re- 
sults: One  was  a  trimmer  in  a  necktie  factory;  three 
were  folding  or  slip-sheeting  in  bookbinderies;  one 
was  rolling  wall  paper;  one  was  working  in  a  tin  can 
factory,  operating  a  machine  which  fixed  the  bails  in 
lard  cans;  nine  were  packers  or  wrappers  in  factories 
producing  biscuits,  candy,  cigarettes,  or  drugs;  three 
were  markers  and  shakers  in  steam  laundries;  eight 
were  errand  girls  and  messengers  for  milliners  or 
dressmakers. 

These  occupations  are  patently  without  educational 
value.    The  factory  processes  are  the  sort  of  light- 

44 


WAGE-EARNING    AND    NEW    RELATIONS 

weight  machine  work  usually  assigned  to  young  girls 
after  the  last  drop  of  individual  responsibility  has  been 
squeezed  out.  Their  chief  characteristic  is  a  degree  of 
monotony  in  which  no  discipline  for  the  young  worker 
is  possible  because  their  effect  is  stupefaction.  The 
work  soon  palls  on  the  girl's  restless  spirit.  Martie 
Sheridan,  after  five  months  of  this  grinding  monotony, 
secretly  cut  the  belt  of  her  machine  just  to  get  a  day 
off.  Another  girl  probably,  long  before  the  end  of 
five  months,  would  have  thrown  up  her  job  and  tried 
another,  if  not  several  others. 

Finding  a  new  place  is  always  something  of  an  ad- 
venture, and  in  the  process  of  shifting  she  enjoys  a 
few  days  of  freedom.  Pauline  Stark,  throughout  her 
four  years  of  wage-earning,  had  been  a  "  rover."  She  had 
had  no  trouble  in  finding  new  places  and  had  tried  so 
many  that  she  had  lost  count  of  the  number.  "  I  see 
a  sign  up  an'  I  go  an'  try.  Then  sometimes  I  meet 
some  one  I  know.  I  stop  an'  get  to  talking  an'  mebbe 
I  won't  look  any  more  that  day.  But  it  don't  take 
long.  Sometimes  1  throw  up  a  job  the  first  day.  I 
can  tell.  I  take  a  look  around  an'  see  that  it  ain't  for 
me.     Then  I  work  out  the  day  an'  don't  go  back." 

It  is  difficult  for  the  girls  to  give  an  accurate  account 
as  to  where  they  have  worked  and  the  changes  they 
have  made.  They  are  hazy  as  to  places  and  quite  un- 
reliable as  to  the  length  of  stay.  With  great  effort  we 
pieced  together  the  industrial  histories  of  girls  who  had 
been  employed  for  some  time.  Although  most  of  them 
had  been  at  work  less  than  a  year,  they  had  tried  a 
great  number  of  occupations.  The  30  wage-earners  in 
our  club  mustered  among  them  120  different  jobs, 
an  average  of  four  apiece.     Two  girls  of  sixteen  had 

45 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

held  12  positions  each;  one  girl  of  sixteen,  10  positions; 
and  one  fifteen-year-old  had  had  nine.  One-third  of 
the  30  had  had  five  or  more  positions.  These  instances 
give  some  idea  of  the  way  in  which  the  girl  of  fourteen 
and  fifteen  flits  from  job  to  job.  It  is  no  wonder  that 
she  is  inaccurate  concerning  the  details  of  her  industrial 
experience  when  each  connection  is  so  brief  and  episodic. 
A  further  reason  for  her  haziness  is  that  her  point  of  con- 
tact with  the  great  factory  and  its  processes  is  so  slight. 
Nellie  Sherin,  aged  fourteen,  worked  in  one  of  the  larg- 
est and  best  of  the  West  Side  factories.  Her  childish 
description  of  her  work  is  the  best  indication  of  her 
incompetence.  "  I  have  to  run  a  machine  that  pastes 
the  labels.  If  you  don't  get  the  boxes  in  right  the  knife 
breaks  and  a  man  comes  and  hollers  at  you." 

The  girl  of  this  class  accepts  in  a  matter-of-fact  way 
conditions  of  work  that  impress  the  outsider  as  very 
hard.  Sometimes  she  tells  of  having  cried  with  weari- 
ness when  she  started.  But  complaints  of  the  long 
day,  the  meager  reward,  and  the  monotony  are  few. 
She  has  not  thought  out  the  general  aspects  of  the 
factory.  Comparisons  between  individual  places  are 
constant,  as  also  are  personal  grievances,  usually 
against  a  "cranky  forelady."  She  rebels  against  the 
tediousness  of  her  job.  "You  can  hear  talkin'  all 
over  our  room  when  the  forelady  goes  out.  Then 
we'll  hear  her  comin'  in  an'  it  stops  short.  Soon's 
she  goes,  we  all  start  again."  As  often  as  not  she 
throws  up  her  job  for  a  personal  grievance — a  quarrel 
with  another  worker,  a  grudge  against  a  "boss." 
Fanny  Mullens  left  the  Excelsior  Laundry  because 
her  friend  quarreled  with  the  foreman  and  Fanny's 
loyalty    would    not    permit    her    to    remain.       The 

46 


WAGE-EARNING    AND   NEW    RELATIONS 

human  factor  is  the  strongest  with  these  young 
workers. 

The  girl  starts  in  a  store  at  $3.00  or  $3.50  a  week; 
in  a  factory,  at  $4.00  or  #5.00.  The  26  wage-earning 
girls  concerning  whom  information  was  obtained  were 
receiving  sums  which  varied  from  $3.00  to  $7.50.  Of 
this  group,  three  were  earning  $3.00  or  $3.50;  eight 
were  earning  $4.00,  and  eight  were  earning  $5 .00.  Thus 
19  out  of  26  were  earning  $5.00  or  less.  The  remaining 
seven  girls  were  receiving  $6.00  or  over;  three  received 
$6.00;  two,  $6.50;  and  two,  $7.50. 

One  of  the  girls  earning  $6.00  had  been  working  five 
years;  another  earning  the  same  amount  had  been  work- 
ing but  a  few  months.  Of  the  two  girls  earning  $7.50, 
one  had  been  working  four  years  in  the  same  position 
and  the  other  five  months.  As  far  as  our  little  group 
of  girls  was  concerned,  there  was  no  connection  be- 
tween age  or  experience  and  wages.  Practically  all  the 
girls  were  doing  such  unskilled  work  that  additional 
years  and  additional  experience  were  idle  commodities. 
There  was,  on  the  other  hand,  some  divergence  be- 
tween what  the  different  factories  of  the  district  were 
accustomed  to  pay  for  the  same  grade  of  labor. 

Along  with  her  first  humble  job  and  her  first  meager 
wage,  there  comes  to  the  young  girl  her  first  taste  of 
power.  Her  first  pay  envelope  is  the  outward  and 
visible  sign  of  many  changes.  Her  position  at  home  is 
altered.  She  has  more  prestige,  the  first  beginning  of 
authority.  Her  family  may  be  actually  dependent  for 
comfort  on  what  she  brings  in.  This  gives  to  her 
desires  and  wishes  a  new  importance.  However  auto- 
cratic her  parents'  rule  may  have  been,  they  must  now 
turn  to  her  for  assistance.    There  must  follow  a  certain 

47 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 

loosening  of  the  reins.  Every  now  and  again  there  is  a 
girl  who  in  these  early,  headstrong  years  will  press  her 
advantage  to  the  full. 

To  these  girls  has  come  the  age  of  self-assertion. 
The  experience  is  common  to  adolescence  of  becoming 
intensely  aware  of  oneself.  With  the  new  intensity 
of  self-consciousness  comes  the  desire  to  assume  con- 
trol. At  this  age  the  girl  resents  being  "bossed." 
It  is  the  time  when  many  families  feel  the  increased 
friction  between  brothers  and  sisters.  Interference 
and  guidance  need  to  be  gentle.  Because  the  girl  is 
young  she  is  apt  to  be  extreme  and  her  assertion  will 
often  be  crass  and  ill-balanced.  These  are  traits  of 
the  adolescent  girl  of  all  classes,  but  this  phase  among 
our  girls  is  accentuated  sharply  by  a  very  definite  set 
of  circumstances. 

w  Tradition  still  upholds  her  parents'  authority.  What 
they  ask  from  her  is  their  right.  They  are  backed  by 
the  practical  code  of  morals  which,  in  any  community, 
counts  more  than  many  sermons.  Public  opinion  de- 
mands the  continued  subservience  of  both  boy  and 
girl.  The  precarious  state  of  family  wellbeing  has  in- 
stituted a  rigid  system  of  household  economics;  this  is 
needed  for  mere  preservation.  It  is  zealously  guarded 
by  the  mother,  ever  the  most  wary  of  anything  which 
threatens  the  group.  According  to  custom  she  is  the 
spender.  All  wages  come  to  her  untouched ;  the  broken 
envelope  violates  the  social  standard.  Husband,  sons, 
'  and  daughters  alike  are  supposed  to  come  under  this 
rule.  There  should  be  no  exception  until  the  children 
reach  the  age  of  eighteen  or  nineteen.  The  mother 
doles  out  spending  money  according  to  the  needs  and 
the  earnings  of  each. 

48 


WAGE-EARNING    AND    NEW    RELATIONS 

There  is  no  pity  felt  by  her  world  for  the  girl  who 
must  turn  over  her  meager  pay.  This  is  a  duty  taken 
for  granted.  It  is  the  least  return  for  the  years  during 
which  her  parents  have  made  sacrifice  and  effort  for 
her.  The  feeling  has  reason  for  holding  good  while 
economic  conditions  remain  as  they  are.  Each  item 
in  the  family  income  is  far  too  important  for  the  girl 
to  escape  her  toll.  She  is  born  to  a  contest  in  which 
she,  too,  must  take  part.  Only  a  lucky  accident  can 
free  her  from  this  inheritance, — accident  or  rebellion. 
The  pay  envelope  passes  through  her  hands,  and  this 
means  the  possibility  of  some  independence.  At  least 
the  choice  is  hers  to  give  grudgingly  or  freely.  With  the 
responsibilities  which  come  to  her  so  much  earlier  than 
to  those  more  sheltered,  comes  also  this  earlier  power. 

Every  degree  of  willingness  or  resentment  in  assum- 
ing her  share  of  the  burden  is  met  with  in  the  various 
girls.  Little  wisps  and  snatches  of  talk  are  straws  that 
point  to  the  set  of  the  wind.  "Oh,  sure,  there's  a  lot  o' 
girls  that  'knock  down.'  You  take  this  week  in  our 
place, — we  all  made  good  overtime.  I  know  I  got  two 
forty-nine.  Well,  I  guess  there  wasn't  a  single  girl  but 
me  that  didn't  change  her  envelope,  on  our  floor. 
Whatever  you  make  is  written  outside  in  pencil,  you 
know.  That's  easy  to  fix — you  have  only  to  rub  it 
out,  put  on  whatever  it  usually  is,  and  pocket  the 
change.  They  think  I'm  a  fool.  But  I  wouldn't  lie 
to  my  mother.  She  has  to  work  an'  she  ain't  had  things 
none  too  easy.  Some  girls  are  like  that.  They're  only 
too  proud  to  make  so  much  t'  take  home." 

A  common  trick  is  to  pretend  to  the  mother  that 
wages  are  smaller  than  they  actually  are.  Katie  at 
seventeen  was  getting  $7.50  a  week;  in  six  months  she 

49 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

had  risen  from  $5.00.  This  was  unusually  good  for  her 
set  of  girls.  But  her  mother  believed  that  she  earned 
only  $6.00. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  the  "worrisome"  type  of 
girl  who  surrenders  all.  Her  unselfishness  is  as  extreme 
as  the  wilfulness  of  others.  She  accepts  her  hard  sur- 
roundings, as  the  others  rebel  against  them,  without 
counting  the  cost,  and  sacrifices  unsparingly  her 
youthful  right  to  gaiety  and  pleasure.  Mamie  Reilly's 
mother  watched  with  anxious  regret  the  effect  of  pre- 
mature care  and  responsibility  on  her  daughter.  Mamie 
had  been  working  five  years  since,  as  a  child  of  thirteen, 
she  first  insisted  on  getting  a  job.  "She's  a  good  girl, 
Mame  is,  but  y'  never  seen  anything  like  her.  Every 
pay  night  reg'lar  she'll  come  in  an'  sit  down  at  that 
table.  '  Now,  Ma/  she'll  say  like  that,  'what  are  you 
goin'  to  do?  How  ever  are  y'  goin'  t'  make  out  in  th' 
rent?  '  'Land  sakes,'  I'll  say,  'one  w'd  think  this  whole 
house  was  right  there  on  your  shoulders.  I'll  get  along 
somehow.'  But  y'  can't  make  her  see  into  that. 
'Now,  what'll  we  do,  how'll  you  manage,  Ma?'  she'll 
keep  askin'.  She's  too  worrisome — that's  what  I  tell 
her.  An'  she  don't  care  to  go  out.  Mebbe  she'll  take  a 
walk,  but  like's  not  she'll  say,  'What's  th'  use?'  Night 
after  night  she  jest  comes  home,  eats  'er  supper,  sits 
down,  mebbe  reads  a  bit,  an'  then  goes  t'  bed." 

Through  everything  Mamie  had  done  more  than  her 
share.  At  eighteen  she  was  tall  and  awkward,  quiet 
and  shy.  Almost  alone  among  these  girls,  she  had 
never  learned  to  dance.  She  had  none  of  the  frills — 
bangs,  powder,  and  gewgaws — the  cheap  frivolities 
which  were  the  joy  of  the  rest.  But  she  had  a  dignity 
and  reliability  which  the  other  girls  respected      In  the 

50 


WAGE-EARNING    AND    NEW    RELATIONS 

whirl  of  excitement  beckoning  to  the  girl  in  New  York, 
she  had  led  a  staid,  colorless  life.  She  had  never  "gone 
out"  anywhere  because  she  had  never  had  any  clothes. 
The  price  she  had  given  had  been  the  very  sap  of  her 
youth.  Her  mother  said,  "She  is  too  quiet-like  an' 
gettin'  humdrum  at  her  age.    It  ain't  right  as  1  know." 

There  is  less  revolt  against  these  early  exactions 
among  the  girls  than  among  the  boys.  In  the  midst  of 
working  hours  groups  of  young  fellows  may  be  seen  any 
day  of  the  week  idling  on  the  street  corners.  They  are 
significant  of  something  badly  awry  in  the  social 
machinery  here.  But  the  girl  who  refuses  to  work  is 
less  usual  by  far.  Often  the  loafer's  sister  is  going  each 
day  to  her  job,  turning  her  money  in  to  the  common 
fund,  while  he  is  a  parasite  who  drains  the  meager 
supply.  Although  she  probably  protests,  it  is  amazing 
to  find  how  often  she  tolerates  a  scheme  so  unfair.  One 
reason,  perhaps,  is  that  a  stay-at-home  life  is  too  dull 
to  tempt  her  into  idleness  there,  and  to  spend  time  on 
the  streets  speedily  brands  her  as  "tough."  But  the 
chief  reason  is  that  she  is  ruled  by  the  popular  concep- 
tion of  duty.  Inheritance  and  custom  force  her  to  a 
conformity  which  is  not  required  of  her  brother.  Her 
protest  is  fainter  than  his. 

But  within  the  home  circle  she  makes  her  revolt 
felt.  Rarely  is  a  girl  "worrisome,"  like  Mamie  Reilly; 
few  girls  surrender  so  much.  The  trail  of  her  way,  a 
way  glittering  with  "good  times  and  fun,"  carries  her 
often  to  the  other  extreme.  She  follows  the  lure  of  her 
desires  with  an  imperious  insistence  which  does  not 
scruple  to  shirk  the  irksome  claims  of  her  home.  The 
result  is  an  atmosphere  surcharged  with  wrangling  and 
spite.    The  girl  who  as  a  little  child  may  have  been 

5i 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 


devoted  to  her  father,  now  switches  away  impatiently 
under  his  scolding.  He,  for  his  part,  complains  bit- 
terly that  she  thinks  only  of  dancing  and  new  clothes. 

One  German  father  whom  we  knew,  at  home  with  his 
broken  ankle  bound  in  a  cast,  used  his  crutch  on  his 
fourteen-year-old  daughter.  "  Don't  tell  me  about 
talkin'  to  girls — I  know  how  to  take  care  o'  them." 
He  brandished  his  weapon  with  ire.  The  home  was 
the  scene  of  quarrels  and  threats.  Amelia  was  given 
the  worst  of  reputations  by  her  parents.  She  "had 
been  a  disgrace  to  them."  She  stayed  out  till  two  in 
the  morning,  hung  around  halls  with  boys,  and  had  been 
brought  home  by  a  policeman.  They  had  tried  keep- 
ing her  in  and  putting  her  under  the  surveillance  of  her 
nine-year-old  brother,  but  no  amount  of  punishment 
would  change  her  fundamentally.  Rancor  and  hatred 
had  bitten  into  her  soul.  She  was  a  strong,  tall  girl, 
loud,  unkempt,  and  disorderly.  She  was  more  frank 
than  most  girls,  partly  from  recklessness.  But  the 
bitterness  with  which  she  spoke  of  her  parents,  the  cold- 
ness with  which  she  said,  "They  can  have  my  money  if 
that's  what  they  want,"  was  that  of  hardened  maturity. 

The  parents  often  get  a  settled  distrust  of  a  girl  with 
which  they  do  not  hesitate  to  confront  her.  Distrust 
is  too  often  justified,  for  there  are  few  girls  who  scruple 
about  telling  a  lie.  But  constant  accusation  and  doubt 
serve  only  to  deepen  suspicion  and  drive  the  girl  on  to 
more  crafty  concealment.  The  crassness  of  the  punish- 
ment administered  is  especially  bad  for  her  years.  To 
this  can  be  traced  so  much  of  the  "wildness"  of  the 
children  here.  But  familiar  as  she  is  with  brutality 
of  one  kind  or  another,  a  special  resentment  comes  to 
the  girl  at  this  age.     Violence  outrages  her  self-respect 

52 


WAGE-EARNING    AND    NEW    RELATIONS 

and  the  ideals  which  are  struggling  for  a  foothold  in  her 
imagination. 

The  greatest  strain  in  such  households  is  that  be- 
tween mother  and  daughter.  The  girl  is  starting  her 
course,  undisciplined  and  eager.  The  woman  has  lived 
through  checkered  and  hazardous  years.  She  has  suf- 
fered the  bearing  of  many  children;  she  has  watched 
the  death  of  some.  What  she  has  attained  has  been 
hardly  won.  Through  it  all,  constant  labor  has  drained 
her  physical  strength.  She  is  spent,  dragged,  and  worn, 
in  pitiful  need  of  the  younger,  more  vigorous  life  at  her 
side.  As  she  turns  to  it  there  creeps  into  her  attitude 
the  note  of  appeal  which  the  girl  is  too  young  to  appre- 
ciate. If  she  deals  a  rebuff  with  the  half  conscious 
brutality  of  youth,  her  mother  may  draw  back  into  a 
shell  of  hardness.  Out  of  the  scant  wisdom  of  her 
years  the  child  has  been  forced  to  a  decision  pregnant 
with  results  for  her  future;  for  often  upon  her  response 
to  the  older  woman's  first  appeal  trembles  her  entire 
relationship  with  her  mother  and  her  home. 

There  is  no  getting  away  from  the  girl's  economic 
value  to  her  family.  It  seems  ugly  and  crass  that  a 
child's  contribution  to  the  common  purse  should  have 
any  bearing  on  the  affection  or  guidance  she  will  re- 
ceive. Yet  it  has,  and  her  manner  of  contributing  has 
even  more.  Out  of  the  conditions  of  this  engulfing, 
material  struggle,  rise  the  spiritual  forces  at  work  in 
each  narrow  tenement  home.  Whatever  breeds  there 
of  loyalty  or  bitter  estrangement  works  out  its  certain 
effect.  And  the  spirit  of  the  household  is  of  no  greater 
import  to  any  member  than  to  the  young,  venturesome 
girl. 

Here  is  a  household  where  the  girl's  wages  have  been 

53 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

the  mainstay  for  the  whole  winter.  Louisa's  father,  a 
German,  has  always  been  frugal  and  hardworking  and 
was  even  penurious  in  better  days.  He  is  now  seventy- 
four.  His  eyes  were  weakened  in  the  days  of  his 
strength  by  the  strain  of  his  trade  as  a  tailor.  Later 
he  came  to  porter's  work,  but  now  he  is  too  feeble  for 
this.  The  mother,  like  so  many  women  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, earns  the  rent  as  a  janitress.  Louisa's  brother, 
a  young  man  of  twenty-one,  is  a  glass  cutter  by  trade. 
His  work  might  be  steady  and  his  wages  good,  but  the 
common  blight  of  the  West  Side  has  struck  him;  he 
chooses  to  loaf  with  the  gang  and  take  things  easy. 
The  old  father,  inveighing  against  him,  has  wished  to 
turn  him  out.  But  his  mother,  although  she  too  takes 
her  turn  at  upbraiding,  shields  him  against  the  others 
and  clings  to  a  desperate  belief  in  his  transparent 
excuses. 

In  this  crisis,  they  have  looked  to  the  $5.00  which 
Louisa  brings  home  every  week  from  the  candy  factory. 
She  is  a  wilful  little  person,  frail,  underdeveloped,  weak 
of  build  in  character  as  in  physique.  The  reins  have 
been  put  into  her  hands.  She  has  used  her  new-found 
power  to  add  to  her  long  day  at  the  factory  several 
nights  every  week  at  dance  halls  where  she  stays  until 
1  or  2  o'clock.  The  reproaches  of  her  parents  have 
no  effect.  "  You  say  that  you  like  me,"  she  wails,  "  but 
you  make  me  miserable  here.  I'll  go  out  if  I  want  to, 
and  I'll  not  tell  where  I  am  going.  Anyhow  I  don't 
come  home  drunk  like  Bill  and  make  a  fuss  in  the  hall. 
And  I  work  while  he  hangs  around  doing  nothing." 

Leading  the  Grand  March  at  the  racket  of  the  "  Har- 
lem Four,"  Louisa  has  forgotten  her  outburst,  and  the 
dull,  sad,  cramped  existence  at  home.     She  is  thin, 

54 


WAGE-EARNING    AND    NEW    RELATIONS 

pale,  sharp-featured,  yet  with  a  certain  daintiness.  Her 
attire  is  "flossy"  tonight.  She  cannot  boast  a  ball 
dress,  to  be  sure.  But  her  scant  suit  of  brown  serge 
with  its  sateen  collar  is  trim  and  new.  It  was  bought 
at  an  Eighth  Avenue  store  on  the  instalment  plan. 
Four  out  of  the  twelve  dollars  have  been  paid  down. 
A  great  encircling  hat  of  cheap  black  straw  reaches  to 
the  middle  of  her  back  and  bends  under  the  weight  of 
an  enormous  "willow."  It  sets  off  her  hair,  which  has 
been  bleached  with  peroxide.  A  long  bang  hangs  to 
her  eyes.  Her  moment  of  elation  comes  as  she  receives 
the  favor  for  the  ladies  who  lead,  a  huge  bunch  of  varie- 
gated flowers — roses,  carnations,  and  daffodils.  But 
the  costume  in  which  she  steps  out  so  triumphantly  has 
cost  many  bitter  moments  at  home.  She  has  gotten  it 
by  force,  with  the  threat  of  throwing  up  her  job. 

The  breach  is  widening  between  her  and  the  parents 
to  whom  she  clung  as  a  child.  There  comes  the  time 
when  she  gets  a  steady  "  gentleman  friend."  She  is  out 
now  almost  nightly.  At  last  the  mother  appears  with 
her  tale,  tearful  and  anxious.  "  1  don't  know  whatever 
I'm  goin'  to  do  with  that  girl.  I've  just  beat  her,  I 
have — I  guess  I  ruined  three  dollars'  worth  o'  clothes. 
But  I  lost  my  temper.  She  stands  up  and  answers  me 
back.  An'  she's  comin'  in  at  2  o'clock,  me  not 
knowin'  where  she  has  been.  Folks  will  talk,  you 
know,  an'  it  ain't  right  fer  a  girl."  So  Louisa  is  losing 
her  only  safeguards.  Foolish,  childish,  easily  flattered, 
she  is  drifting  into  a  maelstrom  of  gaiety  and  pleasure 
from  which  only  chance  will  bring  her  out  unscathed. 

The  great  issue  between  the  home  and  the  girl  is  the 
question  as  to  whether  her  affections  will  center  there. 
Only  an  emotional  hold  will  take  effect  on  this  girl. 

55 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

Her  mind  is  undeveloped.  She  is  not  going  to  reason 
far.  Habit  has  not  yet  fastened  her  in  a  rut  of  eternal 
work  and  decency.  Possibilities  that  menace  health 
and  strength  and,  in  the  long  run,  happiness,  hedge 
4  her  round.  If  she  becomes  estranged  from  those  who 
are  naturally  near  to  her,  she  is  set  adrift.  She  is 
bound  to  express  in  some  way  the  chaotic  emotional 
forces  within  her.  She  is  dangerous  then  to  herself 
and  others,  in  surroundings  like  these  of  the  far  West 
Side. 


56 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  WILL  TO  PLAY 

A  GIRL  from  fourteen  to  eighteen  is  about  as 
unstable  and  kaleidoscopic  as  any  quantity 
in  nature.  She  is  changing,  almost  from  day 
to  day.  It  may  be  that  poverty  in  her  home  has  de- 
prived her  of  her  full  share  of  youth's  vigor  and  supreme 
physical  wellbeing.  Even  so,  she  keeps  its  impatient 
desire  for  action  and  experience.  She  feels  its  disdain 
of  restraint  and  hindrance;  its  zest  for  swallowing 
life  in  hot,  hasty  gulps.  The  desire  to  play  is  strong 
in  her.  Lack-luster  resignation  and  pessimism  are 
rare  among  the  young  even  where  poverty  weighs  most 
heavily.  The  girl's  buoyant  spirit  breaks  loose  at  the 
instant  of  release  from  factory  walls  or  from  the 
momentary  depression  of  family  want.  It  bubbles 
forth  in  girls'  laughter  and  girls'  play,  and  in  girls' 
capricious,  whimsical,  egoistic  moods. 

The  West  Side  girl  is  an  independent  young  person. 
She  has  seen  a  good  deal  of  the  world.  She  has  the 
early  sophistication  bred  of  a  crowded,  close-pressed 
life.  As  yet,  she  has  not  been  battered  to  the  wall 
in  the  stress.  She  has  not  the  pitiful  appreciation  of  the 
middle-aged  woman  for  slight  and  passing  kindliness. 
She  is  self-assertive,  arrogant,  "able  to  take  care  of 
herself."  She  comes,  asking  nothing,  at  ease  and 
alert,  but  ready  to  give  a  trial  to  anything  thrown  in 

57 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 


her  way.  If  it  does  not  suit,  she  will  not  be  slow  to 
reject  it.  So  she  stands,  looking  bright  and  curious 
eyed,  straight  into  the  face  of  her  world.  She  can  be 
defiant  at  a  hint  of  challenge.  And  yet  one  finds  that 
she  is  suddenly  and  sharply  sensitive.  Ridicule  and 
harshness  touch  her  to  the  quick.  Her  new-born  self- 
consciousness  is  easily  wounded.  A  trifling  hurt  may 
become  a  lifelong  grievance. 

This  is  a  signal  of  a  restlessness  beneath  the  surface 
which  she  does  not  herself  understand.  It  is  propelling 
her  onward  in  an  unconscious  search.  In  all  her 
pleasure-loving,  drifting  adventures  she  is  hunting 
steadily  for  the  deeper  and  stronger  forces  of  life.  Into 
her  nature  are  surging  for  the  first  time  the  insistent 
needs  and  desires  of  her  womanhood.  But  this  she  does 
not  know.  She  is  the  daughter  of  the  people,  the  child 
of  the  masses.  Athletics,  sports,  diversions,  the 
higher  education,  will  not  be  hers  to  divert  this  deep 
craving.  She  is  not  close  enough  to  her  church  for 
religion  to  control  it.  It  will  stay  with  her,  sweeping 
her  inevitably  out  of  the  simplicity  of  little  girlhood 
into  the  thousand  temptations  of  her  environment, 
if  not,  perhaps,  into  one  of  the  commonest  of  neigh- 
borhood tragedies. 

Just  now  her  search  is  translated  very  lightly  and 
gaily  into  the  demand  for  "a  good  time"  and  a  keen 
interest  in  the  other  sex.  She  prosecutes  it  with  the 
imperious  heedlessness  of  her  age.  Her  haphazard  and 
inconsistent  training  has  given  her  little  of  the  art  of 
self-control.  The  city  bristles  with  the  chances  she 
longs  for — "to  have  fun  and  see  the  fellows."  What  is 
to  come  of  this  depends  on  the  unformed  character  of 
the  individual  girl,  the  oversight  of  her  family, — some- 

58 


THE    WILL   TO    PLAY 


times  effective  and  sometimes  not, — and,  most  of  all, 
on  chance. 

The  control  of  a  little  money  is  far  more  essential  to 
these  girls  in  their  search  for  enjoyment  than  to  girls 
in  another  class.  There  are  many  doors  which  a  very 
small  coin  will  open  to  her.  After  she  goes  to  work 
she  usually  has  a  little  spending  money  of  her  own.  As 
a  rule  she  is  given,  besides  lunch  money  and  carfare,  a 
quarter  or  50  cents  a  week.  This  may  go  for  candy, 
carfare  to  dances  and  parks,  or  entrance  fees  to  dance 
halls  and  moving  picture  shows.  Sometimes  she  spends 
the  money  given  her  for  carfare  on  other  and  more 
pleasurable  things,  and  walks  to  work,  "wearing  out 
shoe  leather,  which  ain't  right,"  as  her  mother  com- 
plains. A  carfare  saved  by  walking  to  work  is  a  car- 
fare earned  for  a  trip  to  a  dance  hall  "away  out  in  the 
Bronx."  Usually  a  single  fare  is  enough  for  the  whole 
trip.  The  "fellow"  who  "sees  you  home"  will  pay  for 
the  return.  Thus  the  little  West  Sider  makes  her  25 
cents  carry  her  as  far  along  the  primrose  path  as  pos- 
sible. 

She  has  no  keener  longing  than  her  longing  for  pretty 
and  becoming  clothes.  Usually  she  helps  in  selection, 
though  now  and  then  the  mother  buys  her  clothing  from 
the  girl's  own  earnings  as  autocratically  as  she  buys 
the  rest  of  the  home  necessities.  Sometimes  the  girl  is 
allowed  to  keep  a  dollar  or  two  out  of  her  pay  every  week 
with  which  she  buys  her  own  clothes.  Often  there 
comes  a  period  of  distress  which  swallows  up  her  whole 
wages  week  after  week.  She  sees  her  earnings  go  for 
rent,  for  fuel,  and  for  food.  Hers  is  not  the  time  of  life 
to  be  content  with  shelter,  warmth,  and  nourishment. 
She  would  rather  starve  for  these  things  than  miss 

59 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 

her  worshipped  pleasures.  Mamie  Craven,  working 
steadily  in  the  laundry,  turning  in  her  money  every 
Saturday  night,  once  broke  out  one  night  in  a  bitter 
wail,  "Oh,  Miss  Wright,  you  don't  know  how  I  want 
a  chinchilla  coat." 

There  are  bound  to  be  many  lacks  in  her  wardrobe. 
Usually  the  greatest  one  is  that  of  protective  clothing. 
She  has  no  overshoes  and  no  umbrella.  When  it  rains 
she  comes  drenched  to  her  club,  but  will  not  think  of 
foregoing  the  evening's  pleasure  on  that  account.  She 
goes  to  work  in  the  same  unprotected  fashion.  Winter 
clothes  are  thin  and  inadequate.  Many  a  girl's  vi- 
tality is  sapped  for  months  in  the  year  through  sheer 
exposure  to  cold.  These  deficiencies  are  endured  un- 
complainingly. It  is  much  harder  if  finery  or  the 
coveted  Easter  suit  must  be  foregone.  The  poorer  girl 
will  buy  her  suit  on  the  instalment  plan — $4.00  down 
and  $2.00  each  following  week.  She  pays  $1 5  for  a  suit 
of  the  value  of  $10.  She  is  often  guilty,  like  girls  of 
every  class,  of  some  wild  bit  of  extravagance.  But  in 
her  case  extravagance  may  become  heartlessness.  A 
girl  whose  income  was  the  only  regular  support  of  her 
family  spent  $5.00 — a  week's  wages — on  a  willow  plume. 
"We  starved  fer  that  hat,"  her  mother  said,  "just  plain 
starved  fer  it,  so  we  did." 

Social  relations  between  girls  of  their  age  and 
class  are  very  unlike  those  of  boys.  A  single  friend 
or  a  little  clique  takes  the  place  of  the  gang. 
They  will  follow  a  leader  for  a  moment  but  not 
consistently;  they  are  jealous  of  leadership  and  slow 
to  acknowledge  it.  There  is  almost  no  natural 
loyalty  to  a  group.  Probably  the  girl  by  the  time 
she  reaches  fourteen  has  already  some   special  com- 

60 


THE    WILL   TO    PLAY 


panion.  This  may  be  a  playmate  from  her  school 
days,  or,  very  likely,  a  "pick  up"  on  the  street  or 
at  work,  who  soon  has  the  title  of  "  me  lady  friend." 
The  relationship  may  extend  over  years.  It  is  very 
constant  and  means  that  the  two  share  most  of  their 
pleasures  together.  There  are  distinct  requirements; 
one  must  "call  up"  and  "wait  in"  and  not  "go  round" 
too  much  with  anyone  else.  But  the  girl  is  rare  who 
has  a  strong  feeling  of  obligation  toward  appointments 
or  promises.  Therefore  the  friendship  is  sure  to  be 
checkered  by  quarrels  and  reunions.  There  are  besides 
a  thousand  and  one  reasons  for  dispute.  The  quarrel 
is  taken  very  seriously,  but  the  chances  are  that  the 
breach  will  heal  before  long.  However,  this  is  not 
always  so;  no  prediction  formed  on  girl  nature  is  sure. 
The  relationship  assumes  at  times  some  of  the  formality 
and  ceremony  of  the  gang.  In  one  case,  a  definite 
proposal  to  be  "friends"  was  made  by  a  girl  who  had 
quarreled  with  her  former  lady  friend.  The  second  girl 
declined,  not  from  any  dislike,  but  because  she  was 
already  "going  with  somebody  else."  When  a  girl 
begins  to  have  a  "gentleman  friend"  even  the  slight 
ceremony  of  calling  up  and  waiting  in  for  the  girl  friend 
is  omitted. 

The  cliques  consist  of  three  or  four  girls,  seldom  of 
more.  They  are  likely  to  exist  among  the  younger 
girls  who  have  played  together  as  children.  They  are 
seldom  formed  later  on,  but  incline  to  resolve  them- 
selves into  the  standard  couples. 

The  girls'  homes  are  not  very  advantageous  places 
for  entertainment  and  fun.  They  are  too  cramped  and 
often  too  forlorn.  Yet  everyone  here  is  used  to  these 
conditions,  and  they  are  not  the  only  difficulties  which 

61 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

stand  in  the  way  of  visits  and  hospitality.  Visits  from 
gentlemen  friends  are  frowned  upon  and  not  desired. 
The  parents,  especially  of  the  younger  girls,  look  askance 
on  the  boys  who  come  to  see  them. 

"  My  father  was  always  too  strict  with  us  girls,"  said 
an  older  sister,  married  and  established  in  her  own  home. 
"  It  was  always  work  and  keep  quiet  at  home  the  minute 
we  came  in  from  the  factory.  He  believed  that  girls 
must  be  kept  down.  He'd  have  beaten  us  good  if  we'd 
brought  a  fellow  home.  So  I  used  to  meet  my  friend 
at  a  corner  a  few  blocks  off,  just  the  same  as  my  sister 
Maggie  has  been  doing.  It's  only  a  wonder  1  didn't 
get  into  trouble  the  same  as  she  has  done  and  get  put 
away  like  her.  I'm  not  the  one  to  turn  against  her 
now.  When  she  comes  out  of  the  Home,  she  and  her 
baby  can  come  and  live  with  me." 

The  sequel  of  Maggie's  story  only  served  to  prove 
the  unwisdom  of  the  parental  policy  which  had  tried  to 
"keep  her  down."  One  day  Maggie  returned  to  her 
sister's  home  with  her  six-months-old  baby.  A  week 
later  her  sister  announced  with  the  utmost  gratification 
and  relief  that  Maggie  was  married.  "  If  she'd  only 
told  us  at  the  start,  there'd  never  been  any  need  for  all 
this  trouble.  Hannick  is  a  decent  fellow  and  has  steady 
work.  He  was  looking  for  Maggie  all  the  time  she  was 
in  the  hospital  and  he  was  afraid  to  ask  her  folks  what 
had  become  of  her.  As  soon  as  she  came  back  here,  he 
sent  word  to  me  and  asked  if  he  could  see  her.  That 
was  the  first  time  I  knew  who  her  fellow  was.  When 
he  came  around  I  told  them  they  ought  to  go  straight 
off  to  the  priest,  and  they  did." 

The  street  corner  has  become,  with  its  free  and  easy 
etiquette,  a  substitute  for  the  home.     It  is  very  popu- 

62 


THE    WILL   TO    PLAY 

lar  in  spite  of  nagging  from  the  "  cop."  Still,  the  police- 
man is  not  a  very  censorious  chaperon.  Even  the  older 
girl  whose  parents  have  opened  their  door  to  her  com- 
pany has  often  learned  to  prefer  its  lack  of  supervision. 
As  a  place  of  rendezvous  it  is  greatly  preferred  to  a 
parlor  of  one's  own  where  one  must  be  "  real  lady-like." 
"  You  see,"  one  of  the  girls  explained,  "my  friend  comes 
to  my  home;  then  if  he  wants  me  to  go  somewhere  to  a 
dance,  my  mother'll  likely  hear  and  won't  let  me.  My 
brother  knows  all  the  places  and  he'll  tell  my  mother 
there's  likely  to  be  shooting  there.  He  makes  it  bad 
for  me  that  way." 

The  boys'  preference  for  the  street  corner  is  quite  as 
strong  as  the  girls'.  Their  habit  is  to  send  a  small  boy 
as  intermediary  to  the  girl's  door  to  tell  her  who  is  wait- 
ing in  the  hall  below.  An  incident  at  "471"  gave  the 
smaller  boys  a  chance  to  express  their  sentiment.  Their 
gang,  known  in  the  neighborhood  as  "tough  young 
nuts,"  were  giving  a  return  party  to  their  girl  friends. 
It  was  to  be  a  "swell"  affair,  and  had  involved  much 
consultation  and  collecting  of  money  beforehand.  The 
instructions  had  been,  "  Buy  three  times  as  much  ice 
cream  as  the  girls  had  at  their  party.  Get  a  cake  as 
big  as  the  cover  of  this  table  (a  centerpiece  22  inches 
round).  Get  three  pounds  of  good  candy.  Get  all  the 
milk  and  cocoa  you  want  for  them  girls,  but  none  of 
that  for  us.  We  want  soda  and  ginger  ale  and  celery 
tonic."  These  concoctions,  not  as  harmless  as  their 
names  suggest,  had  been  purchased  by  the  boys. 
Everything  was  elaborately  ready  and  the  party  had 
begun.  All  the  guests  had  arrived  except  the  special 
friends  of  two  of  the  boys.  A  club  leader's  naive  sug- 
gestion was  that  Peter  and  "Gimp"  should  call  for  the 

63 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


girls  at  their  homes.  Gimp  leaned  forward,  astonished, 
as  if  uncertain  of  what  he  had  heard.  "Homes,"  he 
gasped,  in  a  tone  surcharged  with  dismay.  "Gee,"  the 
other  boy  added,  "that  sure  w'd  be  some  place  to  go, 
a' right." 

Still,  the  home  is  by  no  means  to  be  discounted  en- 
tirely as  a  place  for  recreation.  There  is  too  much 
Irish  jollity  and  good-fellowship  in  our  neighborhood 
to  make  it  altogether  a  tame  and  stupid  place.  The 
"  house  party,"  as  any  home  gathering  is  known,  is  not 
unusual.  Music,  dancing,  and  drinking  are  the  chief 
features  of  the  entertainment  on  such  occasions.  A 
Thanksgiving  party  at  the  McKeevers',  for  instance, 
to  which  the  family  invited  one  of  the  club  leaders, 
showed  that  the  happy  good-fellowship  which  Gold- 
smith mourned  as  forever  departed  from  the  "  Deserted 
Village"  has  crossed  the  ocean  with  the  Irish  immi- 
grants and  is  still  preserved  to  some  extent  in  their 
newer  stronghold  on  the  Middle  West  Side. 

The  homelike  spirit  of  the  gathering  was  noticeable. 
Mrs.  McKeever,  gray-haired,  fifty-two  years  of  age, 
presided  over  the  festivities.  She  sat  in  the  only  rocking 
chair,  holding  in  her  arms  the  small  son  of  a  neighbor, 
aged  three,  extremely  dirty  and  ragged,  and  as  a  com- 
panion a  fox  terrier,  the  pet  of  the  McCormick  family. 
Then  came  Mrs.  O'Hara,  the  neighbor  from  the  next 
tenement,  large  and  fat  and  slovenly,  but  perfectly 
good-natured  and  kindly.  She  was  nursing  a  small  child 
who  was  boarded  with  her  by  some  organization.  The 
child  was  sleepy  and  tired  and  whenever  he  dozed  off 
was  wakened  by  the  music  and  dancing.  In  the  corner 
of  the  sofa  next  to  Mrs.  O'Hara  was  a  small,  undevel- 
oped specimen  of   humanity   in  a  faded  flannellette 

64 


THE    WILL   TO    PLAY 

dress  and  very  much  broken  shoes  whose  appearance 
classed  her  as  degenerate.  She  was  also  a  neighbor 
and  had  come  in  to  take  part  in  the  Thanksgiving 
festivities.  On  the  same  sofa  with  her  at  the  other  end 
sat  a  well  made-up  Negro  minstrel,  with  feet  crossed 
and  a  large  guitar  in  his  arms,  who  played  and  sang  as 
well  as  many  a  man  in  a  minstrel  show  on  the  stage. 
Next  to  him,  on  a  kitchen  chair,  sat  a  chap  of  probably 
thirty-five  years.  A  crutch  stood  beside  his  chair,  and 
upon  a  closer  look  one  could  see  that  one  of  his  legs 
had  been  amputated.  He  was  very  dreamily  playing 
an  accordion,  and  had  had  just  enough  drink  to  make 
him  very  solemn  and  uninterested  in  people  and 
things  in  general.  Mrs.  McKeever  several  times  de- 
posited the  small  child  and  the  fox  terrier  in  the  middle 
of  the  floor  and  went  over  to  remonstrate  with  him 
for  not  being  willing  to  take  part  in  the  ceremonies. 
He,  however,  could  not  be  persuaded  and  sat  perfectly 
still,  only  occasionally  extracting  a  glass  of  beer  from 
under  his  chair  and  offering  it  to  the  others.  Over 
in  the  corner  next  to  the  man  with  the  accordion  was 
a  short,  stout  boy,  probably  of  seventeen  years,  in  his 
shirt  sleeves,  whose  chief  desire  was  to  dance,  but  who 
found  it  difficult  to  procure  partners. 

These  were  the  guests  on  one  side  of  the  room.  In 
front  of  the  large  pier  glass  at  the  end  the  chair  was 
occupied  by  an  immense  Teddy  bear,  who  occasionally 
was  forced  into  taking  part  in  the  dances  and  general 
merrymaking.  The  next  seat  was  occupied  by  Delia 
McKeever.  Delia  was  a  remarkably  good-looking 
girl,  and  on  most  occasions  was  neat  and  tidy,  but  this 
evening  she  was  conspicuous  because  of  her  untidiness. 
She  had  had  enough  beer  to  make  her  unusually  mirth- 

65 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

ful  and  to  make  her  dance  much  better  than  usual.  Next 
to  Delia  sat  Annie,  also  in  most  untidy  condition. 
Lizzie,  the  youngest  daughter,  was  sent  for  to  come  in 
from  the  street.  She  was  dressed  in  boy's  clothes 
and  had  been  out  masquerading.  Holding  the  cen- 
ter of  the  floor  was  a  rather  handsome  chap  who 
played  the  mandolin  well  and  had  a  bellowing  bari- 
tone voice. 

The  McKeever  family  were  very  solicitous  that  their 
guests  should  have  a  good  time,  and  went  around 
whispering  to  the  musicians,  telling  them  to  play  or 
sing  whatever  the  visitors  suggested.  Everyone  sang 
"  The  Suwanee  River,"  and  the  players  of  the  mandolin 
and  accordion  sang  several  of  the  latest  popular  songs. 
Delia  and  Annie  did  a  fancy  dance  known  as  the 
"  Novelty."  Delia  also  danced  with  the  chap  in  the 
corner,  who  was  ever  busy  trying  to  procure  a  partner. 
He  was  so  much  shorter  than  Delia  that  she  could 
conveniently  rest  her  forehead  on  his  head,  which  she 
did  during  the  entire  dance,  making  him  act  very  much 
as  a  prop  to  her  wilful,  antic  steps. 

There  are  two  places  in  which  the  unoccupied  of  all 
ages  and  types  may  be  seen — the  streets  and  the  mov- 
ing picture  shows.  Eighth  Avenue,  the  residence  street 
of  our  aristocracy,  is  the  promenade  of  the  district. 
No  one  has  better  expressed  the  essential  spirit  of 
these  promenades  than  Mr.  Wells  has  done  in  The  New 
Machiavelli.* 

"Unkindly  critics,  blind  to  the  inner  meanings  of 
things,  call  them,   I  believe,  Monkey's  Parades — the 

*  Wells,  Herbert  G.:  The  New  Machiavelli.  New  York,  Duffield, 
1910. 

66 


THE    WILL   TO    PLAY 


shop  apprentices,  the  young  work  girls,  the  boy  clerks, 
and  so  forth,  stirred  by  mysterious  intimations,  spend 
their  first-earned  money  upon  collars  and  ties,  chiffon 
hats,  smart  lace  collars,  walking-sticks,  sunshades,  or 
cigarettes,  and  come  valiantly  into  the  vague  trans- 
figuring mingling  of  gas  light  and  evening,  to  walk  up 
and  down,  to  eye  meaningly,  even  to  accost  and  make 
friends.  It  is  a  queer  instinctive  revolt  from  the  nar- 
row, limited,  friendless  homes  in  which  so  many  find 
themselves,  a  going  out  toward  something,  romance,  if 
you  will,  beauty,  that  has  suddenly  become  a  need — 
a  need  that  hitherto  has  lain  dormant  and  unsus- 
pected. They  promenade.  Vulgar! — it  is  as  vulgar 
as  the  spirit  that  calls  the  moth  abroad  in  the  even- 
ing and  lights  the  body  of  the  glow-worm  in  the 
night." 

Here  also  are  the  flashing,  gaudy,  poster-lined 
entrances  of  Hickman's  and  of  the  Galaxy.  These 
supply  the  girls  with  a  "craze,"  the  same  that  sends 
those  with  a  more  liberal  allowance  to  the  matinees. 
Their  pictures  spread  out  adventure  and  melodrama 
which  are  soul-satisfying.  The  vaudeville  is  even  more 
popular  and  not  so  clean. 

Sooner  or  later  almost  every  girl  drifts  into  some 
club  or  settlement.  She  is  a  wandering  spirit,  difficult 
to  hold,  still  more  difficult  to  tie  down  to  any  definite 
program.  She  wants  activity  but  soon  tires  of  any 
one  form  of  it.  She  cannot  concentrate,  especially  on 
any  finely  co-ordinated  work  requiring  time  and 
patience.  Dancing  and  music  make  the  strongest 
appeal  to  her.  A  boisterous  club  room  will  quiet  sud- 
denly to  the  sound  of  "Oh!  Mr.  Dream  Man,  let  me 
dream  some  more."    The  dark-eyed  girl  at  the  piano 

67 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


drawls  in  shrill  nasal  mimicry  of  the  vaudeville  "artist," 
copying  her  air  and  mannerisms. 

Cheap  and  shoddy — but  the  scene  typifies  that 
groping  for  the  ideal  which  is  universal.  Look  along 
the  line  of  faces,  stilled  and  attentive.  Something  is 
there  neither  cheap  nor  small.  Here  the  face  of  a 
youngster  is  caught  an  instant  from  its  impish  drollery. 
The  hardening  lines  are  soft  as  with  a  child's  wonder  at 
something  beautiful  and  new.  Next  to  her  an  older  girl 
is  leaning  forward.  Her  features  are  haggard  and 
drawn,  a  ghastly  white.  But  she  sits  with  opened  lips 
and  a  look  in  her  eyes  as  if  she  heard  beyond  the  sing- 
ing something  half  articulate  and  far-away.  The  song 
has  brought  a  quickening  of  the  imagination,  a  stirring 
of  childish,  unformed  aspirations,  half  gropings  for  a 
world  finer  than  the  one  she  knows. 

In  these  girls  the  longing  for  the  unreal  is  overlaid  by 
much  that  is  commonplace  and  sordid.  To  come  upon 
this  sudden,  vivid  glimpse  of  it  takes  away  one's 
breath.  At  the  same  instant  some  of  the  faces  are 
prophetic  of  its  final  dying  out.  The  girls'  instinctive 
^idealism,  a  wild  thing  here,  unnurtured,  is  as  elusive 
and  fleeting  as  it  is  beautiful.  It  is  foredoomed  to 
fade  swiftly  in  the  midst  of  unfriendly  reality. 

Only  a  fleeting  glimpse  of  the  ideal,  and  soon  the  club 
room  is  again  a  clamorous,  gay,  turbulent  place.  There 
is  much  energy  that  must  be  let  off;  nothing  but  danc- 
ing will  satisfy  the  demand.  This  means  that  the 
doors  must  be  opened  to  "the  fellows"  too.  They, 
meantime,  have  been  besieging  the  club  from  the  out- 
side. If  the  older  girl  is  to  be  held,  some  concession 
must  be  made  to  her  chief  desire.  Once  it  is  made,  many 
difficulties  arise.    The  interest  between  the  girls  and 


THE    WILL   TO    PLAY 

boys  here  is  almost  wholly  one  of  sex.  They  are  farther 
apart  than  in  other  circles.  As  children,  there  has  been 
very  little  playing  in  common.  The  boys'  interests  are 
more  energetic;  group  athletics  have  seldom  been  opened 
to  the  girls  of  the  elementary  schools.  Both  boys  and 
girls  have  a  narrow  range  of  knowledge  and  impersonal 
interests.  Conversation  is  a  mere  exchange  of  personali- 
ties, gossip,  and  bickering,  and  there  is  little  even  of 
that.  The  girls  line  up  on  one  side  of  the  room ;  the  boys 
group  together  on  the  other  side.  Games  are  sidetracked 
as  foolish.  There  is  only  dancing  to  bring  them  to- 
gether, and  so  the  club  dances.  This  is  doubtless  the 
reason  why  the  dance  hall  holds  the  first  place  in  the 
girl's  estimation  of  a  good  time.  In  these  places  she 
learns  the  "  tough"  dances  in  their  worst  forms  and  with 
all  their  suggestive  details.  If  she  attends  these  dubious 
resorts  freely,  she  is  marked  socially  by  it. 

Most  of  the  girls  under  sixteen  and  the  most  strictly 
guarded  of  the  older  girls  go  to  dances  only  occasionally. 
Then  they  attend  some  "racket"  given  by  their  special 
friends,  their  fathers'  association,  or  their  church. 
They  may  go  with  their  families  or  be  taken  by  a  boy 
friend  with  their  parents'  knowledge  and  consent. 
Perhaps  a  younger  sister  is  allowed  to  go  along,  much 
below  the  age  when  the  first  daughter  started,  because 
"she's  company  for  May."  This  occasional  ball,  with 
its  more  or  less  formal  invitation,  its  sanction  by  the 
parents,  and  its  semi-chaperonage,  is  considered  a  very 
different  thing  from  the  promiscuous  attendance  of 
dance  halls. 

Many  of  the  older  girls,  as  we  have  seen,  go  much  as 
they  choose,  in  a  free  and  easy  fashion.  They  are 
not   restricted,  or  if   they   are   they   "sneak"   away. 

69 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

Two  girls  go  together  as  a  rule.  They  must  have  a 
little  money — carfare  and  a  quarter  for  entrance. 
But  that  is  all  that  is  needed;  no  chaperon  and  no 
escort.  Bonds  are  off;  freedom  is  absolute;  the  range 
of  possibilities  is  almost  limitless.  From  Fourteenth 
Street  to  162nd  Street,  East  Side  and  West,  from 
Coney  to  Jersey,  these  eager  feet  in  the  path  of  pleas- 
ure find  their  way.  They  are  not  even  dependent  on 
the  initiative  of  an  escort  for  their  good  time.  The 
girls  decide  on  their  dance  hall,  and  once  on  the  floor, 
a  "pick-up"  is  easy  to  acquire.  If  they  dance  to- 
gether, two  men  are  sure  to  "break"  provided  the  girls 
are  good  looking  and  dance  well.  Etiquette  demands 
that  they  remain  through  the  dance  with  this  random 
partner.  To  desert  him  on  the  floor  is  an  insult  which 
he  may  avenge  with  violence.  To  sneak  between  the 
halves  is  somewhat  risky  and  is  considered  mean.  It 
is  better,  as  one  of  our  girls  pointed  out,  to  tell  him 
frankly  that  "you  can't  seem  to  keep  step  and  you'd 
rather  not  dance  it  out." 

The  dance  hall,  with  its  air  of  license,  its  dark  corners 
and  balconies,  its  tough  dancing,  and  its  heavy  drinking, 
is  becoming  familiar  to  every  reader  of  the  newspapers. 
To  the  girls  who  attend  them  they  are  not  all  of  one 
kind  by  any  means.  The  best  places  are  perhaps  too 
"classy"  for  the  West  Side  girl,  and  she  has  not  the 
proper  clothes.  The  character  of  the  dances  at  any  hall 
depends,  our  informants  said,  entirely  upon  the  club 
that  manages  the  affair.  "  If  they  don't  want  nothing 
but  society  dancing,  why  the  cop'll  keep  the  floor  clear 
for  them.  But  if  some  of  these  tough  fellows  are  run- 
ning the  racket  off  they  go  to  the  cop  and  say,     'We 


THE    WILL   TO    PLAY 

don't  want  any  dancing  stopped  here.  See?'  and  he 
leaves  them  alone."*  Home-going  is  not  thought  of 
until  i  or  2,  often  3  or  4  a.  m.  The  ball  is  often  fol- 
lowed by  a  trip  to  a  restaurant  and  home  is  finally 
reached  at  6  a.  m. 

*  These  statements  of  the  girls  are  corroborated  by  the  following 
paragraphs  from  a  recent  study: 

"  During  the  past  few  years  aggressive  measures  have  been  taken 
by  different  reform  organizations  aiming  to  bring  about  a  more 
wholesome  atmosphere  in  connection  with  public  dances,  especially 
those  attended  by  the  poorer  boys  and  girls.  Proprietors  have  been 
induced  to  employ  special  officers  to  attend  the  dances  and  keep 
order,  prevent  'tough'  and  'half-time'  dancing,  and  protect  inno- 
cent girls  from  the  advances  of  undesirable  persons.  The  duties  of 
the  special  officer  are  difficult  to  perform.  If  he  interferes  too  much, 
the  dancers  go  to  some  other  place  where  they  enjoy  more  freedom. 
As  a  result,  the  honest  proprietor  who  endeavors  to  conduct  a  re- 
spectable hall  loses  patronage,  while  the  disreputable  owner  makes  all 
the  profit.  Again,  the  young  people  who  attend  these  balls  know 
immediately  when  a  person  different  from  themselves  appears  in  the 
hall.  At  once  the  dance  becomes  modest  and  sedate,  and  the  visitor 
goes  away  to  report  that  'while  conditions  are  not  what  they  should 
be,  yet  on  the  whole  there  is  great  improvement.' 

"A  social  club  gave  a  ball  on  the  evening  of  March  23,  1912,  at  a 
hall  in  East  2nd  Street.  The  dancing  was  very  suggestive.  The 
special  officer  was  entertaining  a  police  sergeant,  but  neither  made 
any  effort  to  regulate  the  actions  of  the  dancers.  The  next  after- 
noon another  club  occupied  the  hall  at  the  same  address,  with  the 
same  special  officer  in  attendance.  Suddenly,  when  the  dancing 
was  in  full  swing,  the  officer  hurriedly  rushed  among  the  dancers  and 
told  them  to  'cut  it  out'  as  three  detectives  had  just  come  in  and  he 
did  not  want  to  see  the  place  closed  up.  A  girl,  apparently  thirteen 
years  of  age,  was  dancing  at  the  time  and  the  officer  put  her  off  the 
floor,  loudly  declaring  that  the  proprietor  did  not  allow  young  girls 
to  dance  in  the  hall.  Things  resumed  their  former  aspect,  however, 
as  soon  as  the  detectives  retired." — Kneeland,  George  J.:  Commer- 
cialized Prostitution  in  New  York  City,  pp.  68-70.  Bureaa  of  Social 
Hygiene.     New  York,  Century  Co.,  191 3. 

7« 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


A  party  of  this  kind  is  not  the  single  carnival  of  the 
year.  Once  a  week,  if  not  twice  or  thrice,  the  girl  who 
goes  to  the  dance  hall  goes  through  its  round  of  excesses. 
The  most  startling  fact  in  this  connection  is  that  it  is 
the  little  girls  who  are  doing  the  dancing  in  the  public 
places  of  amusement  in  New  York.  The  young  girl 
usually  settles  down  to  keeping  steady  company  some 
time  before  her  early  marriage,  and  goes  less  to  the 
dance  halls.  Sixteen-year-old  Josie,  spending  three 
out  of  every  seven  nights  of  the  week  at  public  dances, 
said,  "When  I'm  eighteen  or  nineteen  I  won't  care  about 
it  any  more.  I'll  have  a  'friend'  then  and  won't  want 
to  go  anywheres." 

There  is  another  group  of  girls  who  do  not  go  to  the 
dance  halls.  They  have  not  even  the  small  amount  of 
money  that  would  take  them  there,  nor  the  one  suit  of 
good  clothes  that  would  make  them  presentable  among 
the  others.  Lacking  the  tawdry  finery  and  the  super- 
ficial good  manners  of  the  other  set,  they  are  shabby 
and  dirty  and  are  known  throughout  the  block  as  tough. 
Between  them  and  the  upper  set,  those  who  hover  on 
the  edge  of  toughness  and  fight  for  the  poor  distinction 
of  just  escaping  it,  there  is  a  chasm  of  dislike,  suspicion, 
and  jealousy.  The  tough  girls  have  the  two  universal 
amusement  places — the  street  and  the  nickel  "dump" 
(moving  picture  show).  Besides  these,  they  can  make 
meeting  places  of  the  alleys,  the  docks,  and  vacant 
rooms  in  the  tenements.  These  neglected,  unlit  cracks 
and  crannies  serve  as  traps  for  childhood  of  both  sexes. 
Here  children  are  snared  in  the  darkness  long  before 
they  are  old  enough  to  know  the  meaning  of  tempta- 
tion. This  is  the  most  sinister  phase  of  the  recrea- 
tion problem. 

72 


THE    WILL   TO    PLAY 

Marriage  is  for  all  these  girls  the  final  and  greatest 
adventure  of  adolescence.  They  do  not  look  past  the 
adventure  at  the  responsibilities  which  lie  beyond.  The 
question  of  children  is  waved  aside  as  scarcely  worth  a 
hearing.  Here,  where  the  management  of  a  household 
is  so  hazardous  and  stern  an  affair,  it  is  most  lightly 
assumed.  The  girl  steps  carelessly  and  boldly  ahead. 
Sixteen  is  a  bit  early,  but  eighteen  or  nineteen  is  a  good 
age  and  further  delay  is  considered  needless. 

Sometimes  the  girl  goes  to  church  with  her  com- 
panion and  is  married  in  the  presence  of  her  family  and 
friends.  But  very  often  she  and  her  boy-husband  in- 
dulge in  a  mild  elopement.  This  is  not  necessarily  done 
to  evade  the  objection  of  parents.  It  is  partly  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  romantic  instinct  of  youth  and  partly  be- 
cause the  girl  and  her  family  cannot  afford  the  parade 
of  a  real  wedding.  After  one  of  these  secret  marriages, 
it  is  not  uncommon  for  the  girl  to  go  on  living  at  home 
and  working,  while  her  husband  does  the  same.  In  a 
short  time  the  fact  of  their  marriage  becomes  known; 
the  young  pair  become  the  center  of  neighborhood  inter- 
est; and  then,  as  a  decidedly  secondary  matter,  the 
question  of  their  "taking  up  rooms"  is  considered. 
Probably  the  new  wife  goes  on  working  in  order  to  buy 
furniture  for  her  home. 

"What  do  you  think!"  exclaimed  Mrs.  Attinger  to 
a  visitor  from  the  club  who  dropped  in  on  a  Saturday 
morning.  "Our  Lizzie's  married.  She's  been  married 
two  months  and  they  never  told  me  till  last  week." 
Mrs.  Attinger  seemed  not  at  all  displeased  with  the 
event,  viewing  it  as  a  successful  joke  on  herself  and 
Lizzie's  friends.  She  went  on  to  relate  how  her  daugh- 
ter had  given  up  her  job  at  the  cigarette  factory  and 

73 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

had  gone  over  to  live  in  New  Jersey  with  her  husband, 
who  was  a  day  laborer.  It  also  appeared,  from  her 
mother's  story,  that  the  young  couple  had  not  started 
out  under  the  most  favorable  auspices.  Lizzie  had 
visited  Mrs.  Attinger  the  day  before  with  the  news 
that  her  husband  expected  to  be  laid  off  soon  and  she 
was  looking  for  work,  as  she  needed  money  to  furnish 
her  house.  Mrs.  Attinger  related  these  details  without 
seeming  to  be  particularly  disturbed  by  them. 

It  was,  after  all,  the  familiar  story  of  beginning  wives 
and  husbands  on  the  West  Side.  It  indicated  that 
Lizzie  had  quickly  found  marriage  to  be  an  extremely 
sobering  event.  Henceforth  she  would  have  new  prob- 
lems to  face,  problems  in  which  the  adolescent  hunger 
for  good  times  would  cease  to  be  the  dominant  element. 
The  will  to  play  was  to  give  place  to  the  incessant 
struggle  for  existence  which  makes  up  the  career  of  the 
wife  of  a  casual  laborer. 


74 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  BREAKDOWN  OF  FAMILY  PROTECTION 

OUR  West  Side  girls  were  members  of  a  sup- 
posedly protected  part  of  the  community. 
Each  of  them  belonged  to  a  family  group; 
if  they  were  not  living  with  their  own  parents,  near 
relatives  had  taken  them  in.  Their  homes  were  in  a 
section  which  possesses  a  neighborhood  life  and  neigh- 
borhood opinions.  The  population  is  far  more  stable 
than  that  of  the  East  Side;  recent  comers  are  rare. 
Some  of  our  girls  told  of  how  their  mothers  had  gone  to 
school  together.  One  had  started  in  the  same  school 
through  which  her  mother  had  passed.  Many  families 
had  shifted  around  within  a  range  of  10  blocks  for  a 
generation.  The  parents  of  most  of  them  had  been 
here  from  ten  to  thirty  or  forty  years.  It  is,  then,  not 
in  the  absence  but  in  the  breakdown  of  neighborhood 
and  family  protection  that  we  must  seek  the  reasons  for 
social,  moral,  and  physical  deterioration  in  these  girls. 

The  character  of  the  community  goes  far  to  counter- 
balance any  advantage  the  girl  may  gain  from  living  in 
an  environment  familiar  to  herself  and  to  her  parents. 
If  she  grows  up  in  one  of  these  blocks,  she  is,  from  baby- 
hood, in  the  midst  of  lawlessness  and  rumors  of  law- 
lessness. They  are  afloat  in  the  air  she  breathes,  as 
certain  to  be  inhaled  as  are  the  heavy  odors  from  the 
gas  plants  and  slaughter  pens. 

75 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

Two  girls  came  excitedly  into  their  club  with  news  of 
an  assault  which  had  just  taken  place  down  the  block. 
They  had  loitered  to  join  the  curious  crowd  and  to  have  a 
look  at  the  victim.  They  related  the  details  of  the  event 
and  commented  upon  them  as  upon  a  familiar  story. 

There  was  a  ripple  of  excitement,  but  no  surprise. 
One  girl  exclaimed,  "Things  like  that  are  happening 
on  our  block  all  the  time." 

The  block  where  this  girl  lived  bears  the  distinction 
of  having  sheltered,  some  forty  years  ago,  the  original 
"  Hell's  Kitchen"  gang.*  A  junk-covered  lot  is  pointed 
out  as  the  site  of  the  tumble-down  shack  where  the 
gang  met.  The  shack  has  disappeared,  while  in  the 
rear,  facing  the  street  to  the  north,  a  mission  is  now  in 
full  swing.  Still,  tradition  upholds  the  desperate  char- 
acter of  the  locality  and  gives  it  a  bad  reputation.  The 
police  declare,  however,  that  it  is  no  worse  than  many 
other  parts  of  the  neighborhood.  Fifteen  of  our  club 
girls  came  from  this  block.  All  the  toughs  who  gather 
there  are,  of  course,  identified  with  the  "Gopher  Gang." 
The  Gophers  were  said  to  have  assaulted  the  house- 
keeper in  562.  She  had  reported  to  the  police  their 
use  of  her  vacant  rooms,  and  in  revenge  they  had 
"beaten  her  up."  It  was  to  this  same  house,  which 
bears  a  bad  reputation,  that  a  physician  had  been 
recently  called,  late  in  the  evening,  to  attend  a  baby. 
The  child  was  in  convulsions,  the  effect  of  the  whiskey 
with  which  she  had  been  "doped."  After  a  search 
through  the  house,  he  found  only  one  family  sober 
enough  to  be  trusted  with  the  child. 

Authentic  stories  of  violence  came  to  us  from  time  to 

*  See  Cartwright,  O.  G.:  The  Middle  West  Side:  Historical  Notes. 
(West  Side  Studies.)  Russell  Sage  Foundation  Publication.  In 
preparation. 

76 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

time.  Many  other  tales  were  the  product  of  gossip 
largely  mingled  with  falsehood.  But  the  brutality  of 
the  neighborhood  speaks  for  itself;  it  is  everywhere, 
in  the  streets,  in  the  talk,  in  the  minds  of  old  and  young. 
Recklessness  and  daring  are  apt  to  be  painted  with 
heightened  colors,  exaggerated  beyond  the  fact.  The 
child  does  not  discriminate  between  garbled  truth 
and  falsity.  In  any  case,  these  stories  take  effect 
on  her.  They  are  poured  into  her  mind  and  muddy  the 
stream  of  her  imagination.  She  believes  a  large  amount 
of  what  comes  to  her  ears,  some  of  which  she  sees  and 
knows  to  be  true.  The  girls  who  lived  in  this  block, 
though  they  were  coming  and  going  by  night  and  day, 
had  yet  a  lively  apprehension  of  its  dangers.  "When 
I  go  home  after  ten,"  said  Mamie  Stertle,  "  I  always 
get  the  cop  on  the  corner  to  see  me  to  my  door." 
Mamie  had  lived  uptown  for  a  few  months.  Up  there, 
far  to  the  north,  she  had  acquired  a  friend  of  a  superior 
type,  a  chauffeur,  who  worked  steadily  and  always  had 
money  in  his  pocket.  When  she  came  back  to  live  on 
the  West  Side,  she  took  it  for  granted  that  he  could  not 
come  to  her  home,  lest  he  be  assaulted  and  robbed. 

The  young  girl  shares  in  all  the  gossip  of  her  elders. 
She  takes  in  greedily  the  idle  talk  of  the  kitchen,  the 
stoop,  and  the  street.  In  this  prurient  school  she  be- 
comes familiar,  even  as  a  child,  with  the  lowest  forms 
of  vice  and  immorality.  Living  on  the  same  block  with 
1 5  of  our  girls  were  two  young  women  who  were  the 
"talk  of  the  parish."  "They  begun  in  the  dance  halls 
back  o'  the  saloons,"  said  Mrs.  Ryan,  "and  look  what 
they  are  now!"  Not  one  of  our  15  girls  but  was 
familiar  with  the  talk  and  with  all  the  details  of  the 
two  irregular  lives  about  which  it  centered. 

77 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 


A  restaurant  was  opened  on  the  corner.  It  was  soon 
noised  about  that  the  woman  proprietor  was  identical 
with  a  notorious  criminal  who  had  served  a  sentence 
of  twenty  years  for  infanticide.  Before  long  the  girls 
were  repeating  with  gusto  horrible  stories  of  her  crimes. 
Sadie  Toohey,  standing  on  the  corner  with  a  group  of 
schoolmates,  informed  them  concerning  the  restaurant 
keeper,  "  She  was  a  midwife  and  used  to  burn  babies." 
Then,  with  a  toss  of  her  blonde  head  with  its  little-girl 
bows,  she  added,  "  She  burned  one  of  mine."  The  sally 
was  greeted  with  shouts  of  appreciation  and  Sadie's  rep- 
utation as  a  wit  rose  among  her  comrades. 

A  mother,  even  one  of  the  wisest,  finds  it  no  easy  task 
to  defend  her  young  against  these  influences.  Life  is 
far  too  congested  in  such  quarters  for  the  girl  to  escape 
any  of  its  aspects.  When  a  family  of  from  six  to  eight 
members  lives  in  three  or  four  rooms  it  is  impossible  to 
segregate  the  young  from  their  elders.  Only  well-to-do 
parents  can  afford  to  provide  a  separate  life  tempered  to 
the  needs  of  young  and  growing  personalities.  The 
poor  man's  house  has  no  nursery  for  its  young,  no  annex 
like  the  boarding  school,  which  enlarges  the  dimensions 
of  the  rich  man's  house  and  provides  a  special  en- 
vironment friendly  to  youth  and  its  needs.  The  daughter 
of  fourteen  in  the  tenements  must  share  the  experience 
of  the  motherof  fifty,  who,  even  with  the  best  intentions, 
cannot  shield  her  girl  from  her  own  fifty-year-old 
materialistic  morals.  What  is  true  of  the  individual 
family  is  also  true  of  mass  life  on  the  block.  There  is 
no  segregation  of  youth.  The  result  is  precocious 
hardness  or  youthful  rebellion. 

If  the  practice  of  pooling  the  moral  standards  of  old 
and  young  is  not  considered  ideal  training  for  children 

73 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

in  families  whose  moral  standards  meet  the  usual  re- 
quirements, it  is  even  less  desirable  in  families  which 
are  either  degraded  or  undeveloped.  There  are  here 
on  the  West  Side  many  families  who  have  the  naive 
morality  of  primitive  social  groups.  The  result  is 
that  many  of  the  girls  are  simply  reared  in  a  differ- 
ent morality  from  that  of  the  community  at  large. 
Illegitimate  births  are  common.  Marriage — even  a 
common  law  marriage — is  accepted  as  removing  any 
stigma  that  might  attach  to  an  irregular  relationship. 
"Oh,  it  is  all  right,"  said  the  parents  of  one  girl-mother, 
"because  she's  been  goin'  with  Bill  now  for  years. 
They'll  marry  as  soon  as  they  can." 

One  of  our  club  girls  drifted  into  a  temporary  union 
and  then  drifted  out  again  in  the  most  matter-of-fact 
way.  After  a  period  of  absence  from  the  club,  she 
was  reported  upon  inquiry  to  be  married.  "She  done 
well  for  herself,"  rumor  ran.  One  day  she  turned  up 
at  the  club  and  brought  her  boy-husband,  apparently 
a  decent,  steady  sort  of  chap.  Soon  we  learned  that 
they  had  not  really  been  married  but  had  started  the 
report  in  a  spirit  of  fun.  However,  they  now  decided 
to  go  through  the  ceremony  in  earnest  and  together 
they  went  to  the  priest.  Here  they  met  an  unex- 
pected obstacle,  for  their  visit  had  been  forestalled  by 
Mattie's  mother,  who  did  not  approve  of  Cleary  for 
a  son-in-law  and  had  charged  the  priest  not  to  marry 
them.  The  girl  returned  home,  but  continued  to  meet 
Cleary  on  the  street  and  to  go  around  with  him.  Then 
gradually  she  began  to  shake  off  the  connection, 
breaking  promises  to  the  boy  and  failing  to  keep  ap- 
pointments with  him.  He  came  to  the  club  one  even- 
ing expecting  to  find  her  there  according  to  her  promise. 

79 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

But  Mattie  did  not  come  to  the  club  that  night,  and 
Cleary,  after  waiting  a  while  in  vain,  departed  saying 
darkly,  "That's  the  third  time  this  week  she's  give  me 
the  hang-up."  There  was  evidence  that  Mattie's 
mother  was  more  concerned  about  the  loss  of  her 
daughter's  earnings  than  about  making  her  an  "honest" 
girl. 

The  toleration  of  moral  irregularities  is  mingled  with 
much  harshness  of  censure.  "  D'  ye  know  Jennie 
Meehan  that  lives  in  th'  house  next  to  ours?"  Kitty 
Stevens  asks  the  cooking  class.  "Well,  she's  just  had 
a  baby.  Father  McGratty  went  there  today  an'  he 
married  her  an'  the  feller.  Her  sister  was  just  th' 
same  way,  only  she  went  and  had  her  baby  in  Jersey. 
Me  mother  says  if  she  had  that  kind  of  girl  she'd  burn 
her,  she  w'd.  Burnin'  w'd  be  good  enough  for  the 
likes  o'  her."  But  in  spite  of  this  severity  of  com- 
ment, the  occurrence  is  accepted  philosophically  by 
the  elders  of  the  neighborhood,  and  soon  forgotten. 

Some  families  fall  below  all  moral  codes,  even 
the  simple  ethics  of  the  far  West  Side.  The  fault 
which  may  be  forgiven  in  the  girl  is  not  so  par- 
donable in  her  parents.  Open  and  excessive  in- 
fidelity on  the  part  of  the  father  and  drink  or  infidelity 
on  the  part  of  the  mother  may  make  the  family  out- 
casts from  among  the  merely  poor.  The  daughter 
shares  the  degradation  of  the  others  and  can  scarcely 
escape  the  consequences.  Even  where  the  habits  of 
her  elders  are  not  the  subject  of  gossip,  she  herself 
cannot  escape  the  knowledge  and  the  influence.  There 
was  fifteen-year-old  Addie  Mercer,  bright,  vivacious, 
with  sparkling  dark  eyes,  who  was  getting  a  "bad 
name."     The  unsavory  example  came  from  her  father. 

80 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

He,  as  Addie  and  her  mother  and  all  the  children  knew, 
maintained  a  second  household  with  a  colored  woman 
in  charge.  The  effects  of  this  constant  example,  as 
well  as  of  other  demoralizing  influences,  were  already 
evident  in  Addie,  and  the  final  result  threatened  to  be 
total  moral  collapse. 

Often  the  mere  physical  conditions  of  life  seem 
enough  to  account  for  the  moral  tragedies.  The  hall- 
ways of  these  tenements  are  perennially  dark  by  day, 
although  they  are  lit  by  flickering  gas  jets  in  the  even- 
ing. The  legal  requirements  for  illumination  of  dark 
halls  and  stairs  are  too  often  evaded  throughout  the 
tenements.  There  was  one  house  in  our  neighborhood 
where  no  lights  burned  in  any  of  the  halls  day  or 
night,  for  months.  It  is  not  uncommon  to  find  a  hall  so 
pitch-dark  that  one  must  feel  one's  way  down  the  stairs. 

A  white  flower  was  sent  to  the  sick  mother  of  one 
of  our  girls.  When  a  visitor  called,  it  was  literally 
the  only  thing  that  could  be  seen  in  the  woman's 
room.  All  other  details — walls,  bed  clothing,  the 
features  of  the  sick  woman — were  lost  in  blackness 
until  the  eyes  of  the  visitor  became  sufficiently  accus- 
tomed to  the  darkness  to  distinguish  between  them. 
Men  boarders  shared  from  time  to  time  the  three 
rooms  of  this  home.  In  this  flat  and  others  like  it 
a  daughter  had  lived  her  fourteen  years.  Then,  still 
a  child,  she  became  a  mother. 

Childhood  in  the  tenements  cannot  escape  the 
smirch  of  its  brutal  and  ugly  surroundings.  The  open 
toilet  where  little  children  play  has  given  occasion  to 
the  bitterest  of  tragedies.  The  corner  saloon,  without 
which  no  block  is  complete,  is  always,  it  must  be  re- 
membered, a  part  of  some  tenement  house.     It  im- 

81 


THE    NEGLECTED   CTRL 

pinges  on  the  homes  of  12  or  h,  families.  The  halls 
reek  with  the  odor  of  bad  whiskey.  Snatches  of 
saloon  talk  and  saloon  laughter  leak  through  the  walls, 
even  by  day.  Out  of  homes  like  this  come  girls  and 
boys  to  go  to  schools  from  whose  neighborhood  all 
liquor  selling  is  legally  banished  to  a  distance  of  at 
least  200  yards!  Truly,  our  legal  protection  of  child- 
hood is  in  some  respects  a  farce. 

Allowing  for  great  deficiencies,  we  have  still  much 
natural  vigor  and  strength  among  the  young  in  the 
district.  This  is  not  yet  a  spot  such  as  some  that 
exist  in  the  London  slums,  pervaded  with  the  taint  of 
innate  mental  and  physical  degeneration.  The  parents 
of  our  girls  were  mainly  Irish  immigrants  or  first  gen- 
eration Irish-Americans.  They  came  of  vigorous 
peasant  stock,  and  from  a  country  which  is,  by  com- 
parison with  the  rest  of  Europe,  almost  free  from 
venereal  disease.  We  found  that  most  of  our  club 
girls  had  a  fair  physical  inheritance.  Of  a  group  of 
•  20  who  were  given  physical  examinations,  18  were 
shown  to  have  well-developed  muscles  and  organs. 
Notwithstanding  many  signs  of  weariness  and  disease, 
they  were  not  lacking  in  stamina.  All  the  more  for 
this  reason  should  the  girl  in  her  adolescent  years  live 
under  a  regime  which  will  conserve  her  natural  energy. 
The  chance  for  health  and  strength  should  not  be 
thrown  away.  These  are  the  years  of  nervous  instability 
in  which  especially  she  needs  rest,  change,  exercise,  and 
the  healthful  freedom  of  outdoor  play  and  occupation. 
Her  chances  for  all  these  things  are  very  limited. 
Bodies  intended  to  be  vigorous  are  hard  used  from  the 
start,  and  during  adolescence  they  are  often  strained 
and  harried  far  beyond  their  recuperative  power. 

82 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

Almost  every  night  some  girl  came  dragging  in 
with  heavy  eyes  and  cheeks  dead  white  under  the 
powder.  There  were  complaints  galore  of  weariness 
and  headache.  One  great  reason  was  the  immoderate 
pace  at  which  the  lives  of  such  girls  are  hurried  on. 
Long  hours  of  work  are  thrust  upon  them  Long  hours 
of  play  are  seized  with  petulant  insistence.  To  wrap 
packages  from  7  a.  m.  until  5:30  p.  m.  within  the  walls 
of  a  factory;  then  several  times  a  week  to  dance  until 
2  or  3  a.  m.  in  the  stifling  closeness,  the  noise  and  excite- 
ment of  a  public  hall,  is  a  not  unusual  program.  The 
immature  body  is  bound  to  fail.  With  the  girl  who 
keeps  up  her  train  of  pleasures,  only  a  rebellious  season 
now  and  then,  when  she  loafs  and  sleeps  long  morn- 
ings, saves  her  from  exhaustion. 

Another  cause  of  discomfort  and  pain,  often  with 
serious  results,  is  the  prevalence  of  minor  defects  of 
body.  They  have  gone  without  care  for  months  and 
years.  Practically  no  girl  has  had  teeth,  eyes,  and 
throat  kept  in  good  condition.  The  group  of  20  girls 
were  examined  for  defect  in  scalp,  nose,  ears,  throat, 
teeth,  eyes,  heart,  and  lungs.  Not  one  examined  was 
without  defect.  Of  the  20,  15  had  enlarged  tonsils 
and  five  had  adenoids;  12  had  defective  teeth;  four 
defective  vision;  two  were  cross-eyed;  three  had 
spinal  curvature;  one  had  trachoma;  and  one  con- 
junctivitis. 

Two  sisters  brought  trachoma  to  the  house  from  an 
institution  where  they  had  been  reared.  Sarah  had 
been  cured  by  a  delicate  and  skilful  operation.  Martha 
had  been  discharged  without  any  treatment.  She 
was  one  of  the  toughest  girls  in  the  club  and  least  con- 
cerned about  herself  or  her  appearance.     When  she 

83 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 

came  to  us  she  was  "bumming,"  without  a  job.  In 
her  torn  and  filthy  clothing,  with  reddened  eyes  half 
closed  with  the  disease,  she  looked  the  most  forlorn 
and  neglected  of  the  underworld.  For  weeks  we 
worked  to  induce  her  mother  to  give  her  care.  "  Thank 
God,  there's  nothing  much  the  matter  with  her  eyes," 
was  the  mother's  final  answer  after  she  had  been 
warned  that  blindness  was  a  certain  consequence. 
And  from  her  sister,  Sarah's  eyes  were  re-infected. 
A  case  recorded  in  the  group  of  20  was  also  con- 
tracted from  her. 

These  examinations  were  little  guide  to  the  most 
serious  physical  defects  among  the  girls.  Those  most 
I  in  need  of  care  were  most  difficult  and  wayward  about 
examination.  The  mention  of  a  doctor  dismayed 
them.  Some  who  promised  to  go  never  reached  his 
office.  But  a  weekly  clinic  was  continued  through 
the  winter.  Gradually  the  girls  gained  confidence 
and  a  number  of  serious  troubles  came  to  light.  Three 
cases  of  tuberculosis — two  incipient — were  found.  The 
third,  which  was  taking  a  headlong  course,  was  checked 
and  ultimately  cured  by  sending  the  girl  daily  to  a 
hospital  boat.  Two  girls  were  finally  examined  and 
treated  for  venereal  disease.  It  was  noticeable  that 
girls  whose  histories  and  habits  left  little  doubt  of 
sexual  abuse  were  under  par  in  general  health.  Un- 
doubtedly this  operated  both  as  cause  and  as  result. 
Carrie  Fuller  drifted  into  the  club  irregularly  for 
months.  Her  voice,  her  frown,  her  dragging  slouch 
across  the  room  all  told  of  the  absence  of  any  stamina. 
She  never  consented  to  any  suggestion  of  a  doctor  or 
of  care.  It  is  inevitable  that  such  a  condition  should 
make  continuous  work  impossible.     She  was  in  a  cigar- 

84 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

ette  factory  till  she  "chucked  her  job."  When  we  saw 
her  after  several  weeks  of  absence,  we  learned  without 
surprise  that  she  had  left  home  to  live  with  a  married 
sister  and  "lead  a  sporting  life."  She  laughed  a  bit 
recklessly  and  shambled  out,  leaving  only  the  wonder 
that  she  cared  to  come  at  all.  Without  bodily  vital- 
ity, how  shall  any  of  these  children  live  through  the 
long  working  days  of  their  youth?  And,  still  more, 
how  shall  they  resist  the  continual  pressure  of  the 
viciousness  around  them?  Yet  many  a  girl  is  scatter- 
ing to  the  wind  the  strength  of  her  youth. 

A  group  composed  of  19  of  our  girls,  ranging  in  age 
from  thirteen  to  seventeen,  were  examined  in  a  psy- 
chological clinic.  Four  girls  stood  above  the  normal 
in  mental  ability,  10  were  normal,  and  two  were  barely 
normal.  One  was  below  normal,  as  the  result  of 
immoral  habits,  and  two  were  feeble-minded. 

In  the  full  story,  broken  schooling,  low  moral  stand- 
ards, the  brutal  life  of  the  streets,  low  housing,  and 
physical  inferiority  all  play  their  part  in  the  coarsened 
moral  outlook  of  the  girls.  There  is  a  group  demoral- 
ized even  in  childhood  by  the  abuse  of  their  sexual 
functions.  There  are  some  who  fall  into  immorality 
during  the  first  years  of  adolescence.  For  the  most 
part,  however,  the  girls  finally  slip  into  the  estab- 
lished ways  of  marriage  and  family  building.  From 
such  groups  the  children  of  the  next  generation  will 
be  born  in  the  largest  proportion.  To  society,  as  well 
as  themselves,  it  matters  a  great  deal  whether  they 
have  been  crippled  in  mind  and  body  by  a  wretched 
and  brutal  environment. 

Such  a  girl  was  May  Carney,  who  announced  one 
85 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

day  to  our  consternation  that  she  was  going  to  be  mar- 
ried. May  was  only  sixteen  and  a  victim  of  gonorrhea. 
She  had  been,  however,  perfectly  "straight"  for  a 
couple  of  years.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  she  looked  upon 
herself  as  a  reformed  character.  "  I  used  to  be  pretty 
tough  with  the  boys,"  she  said.  "That's  a  pretty  bad 
thing  for  any  girl  to  say  of  herself,  but  I'm  over  it  now." 
The  physician  had  said  that  it  would  require  three 
years  to  cure  her  thoroughly  of  her  disease  and  had 
recommended  a  slight  operation  immediately.  In  view 
of  these  facts,  we  could  only  feel  great  concern  at  the 
news  of  her  immediate  marriage.  One  of  the  club 
leaders  sought  out  her  mother  to  remonstrate  against 
the  marriage  and  also  to  propose  that  May  should  go 
to  the  hospital  for  two  weeks. 

Mrs.  Carney  was  found  at  home  one  evening  about 
8  o'clock,  and  adjourned  with  her  visitor  to  the  hall 
outside  for  a  confidential  talk.  The  public  passage, 
lighted  by  a  flaring  gas  jet,  was  surrounded  by  four 
closed  doors  shutting  off  as  many  different  flats  and 
the  crowded  domestic  life  within.  In  the  evening, 
when  Mrs.  Carney's  family  was  at  home,  it  was  the 
only  spot  where  she  could  have  a  private  word  with 
a  caller.  Her  final  summing  up  of  her  daughter's  situa- 
tion was  this:  "  You  see,  if  May  was  to  go  away  to  the 
hospital  for  two  weeks,  they'd  all  say  she  went  away  to 
have  a  baby.  You  see  them  two  doors,"  pointing  to 
the  forward  end  of  the  hall.  "The  girls  in  there — 
both  of  them — have  just  been  away  havin'  babies. 
They  didn't  have  nobody  to  take  care  of  them,  so  they 
had  to  bring  their  babies  home.  Now,  if  May  was  to 
be  gone  two  weeks,  ye  couldn't  make  nobody  believe 
she  wasn't  doin'  just  the  same  as  them  two." 

86 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

In  view  of  this  difficulty  it  was  suggested  that  the 
operation  might  be  performed  at  home.  This  seemed 
feasible,  and  the  more  serious  question  of  May's  mar- 
riage was  then  broached.  "Yes,  May  will  be  married 
in  September,"  said  Mrs.  Carney.  "  I  know,  she's  not 
seventeen  yet,  but  it's  this  way,  y'  see.  She's  sickly, 
she  won't  never  be  no  good  to  me, — the  two  or  three 
dollars  she  brings  home  won't  hardly  keep  her, — and 
she's  always  wantin'  money  to  spend  on  herself.  What 
I  say  is,  she'd  better  get  married  now.  Daley  is  a  good 
fellow  and  he's  workin'  steady.  She  mightn't  have  so 
good  a  chance  again." 

It  would  not  be  fair  to  blame  Mrs.  Carney  very 
harshly  for  the  materialism  of  this  speech  and  her  total 
lack  of  consideration  for  the  "steady  fellow"  whom 
May  was  about  to  marry,  and  for  their  possible  chil- 
dren. Mrs.  Carney's  moral  outlook  was  the  result  of 
the  hard  school  in  which  she  had  been  educated.  As 
for  her  willingness  to  saddle  a  hardworking  young  man 
with  her  sickly  daughter,  this  was,  after  all,  only  her 
duty  as  a  "good  mother."  It  would  have  been  hard 
to  make  Mrs.  Carney  see  anything  wrong  in  her  atti- 
tude toward  her  daughter's  marriage.  One  has  to 
admit  that  what  we  expected  of  her  as  a  matter  of 
course  was  from  her  point  of  view   heroic  conduct. 

In  view  of  the  circumstances  surrounding  these 
young  lives,  it  is  useless  to  talk  of  the  "fall"  of  these 
girls.  Many  of  them  have  never  lived  on  a  sufficiently 
high  moral  level  to  "  fall."  With  them  immorality 
is  of  a  piece  with  the  uncleanliness,  physical  and  men- 
tal, in  which  they  have  been  reared.  There  was,  how- 
ever, one  important  distinction  which  we  learned  to 
make  between  the  forms  of  immorality.    There  was 

87 


THE    NEGLECTED    GIRL 


the  girl  who  "solicited"  and  the  girl  who  did  not.  One 
may  have  courage  to  grapple  with  mere  immorality, 
but  the  girl  who  has  been  swept  into  the  currents  of 
commercialized  vice  is  at  once  allied  with  secret  and 
powerful  forces  which  enable  this  trade  to  hold  its  own. 
Once  during  the  year  we  were  compelled  to  stand  by 
helplessly  and  see  a  girl  of  sixteen  slip  over  the  brink 
of  prostitution. 

Carrie  Drake,  who  drifted  into  the  club  one  evening 
with  Winnie  Hyland,  was  a  tall,  white-faced  girl,  rather 
gawky  and  poorly  dressed.  She  wore  a  shabby  suit, 
a  very  dirty  white  waist  of  cheap  embroidery,  and  a 
rackety  hat  which  showed  the  effects  of  having  been 
repeatedly  rained  upon.  Carrie's  devotion  to  this  hat 
was  all  the  more  noticeable  because  the  other  girls 
seldom  wore  any.  We  soon  discovered  the  reason;  an 
attack  of  typhoid  fever  had  left  her  almost  bald.  Be- 
neath the  hat  she  wore  a  reddish-brown  wig  which  was 
so  thin  that  it  scarcely  covered  her  new  growth  of  stubby 
hair  of  altogether  a  different  shade  of  brown.  She 
said  she  had  made  the  wig  of  "some  puffs,"  and  that 
it  had  been  very  good  until  some  girl  had  tried  to 
improve  it  by  cutting  it.  She  possessed  a  low  voice 
and  a  courteous  manner  which  she  had  kept  as  salvage 
from  the  wreck  of  her  mother's  training. 

Winnie  Hyland,  who  brought  her  to  us,  was  an  irre- 
sistible little  crippled  girl  whose  faith  in  the  powers  of  a 
social  worker  was  the  result  of  having  been  gently  cared 
for  all  her  life  by  representatives  of  one  social  agency 
or  another.  The  tubercular  hip-bone  which  she  had 
developed  in  early  childhood  had  saved  her  from  the 
worst  of  the  harshness  and  want  which  prevailed  in  her 
own  home.     Discovering   her  friend  in   search   of  a 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

job  she  brought  her  over  to  the  club  to  one  of  the 
"teachers." 

Carrie  was  not  a  hopeful  candidate  for  work.  She 
was  only  fifteen,  still  gaunt  from  the  ravages  of  typhoid, 
grotesque  in  appearance.  Her  mother  had  died  when 
she  was  eleven,  and  she  had  been  promptly  taken  from 
school,  which  she  hated,  to  do  the  housework.  To  ap- 
pease the  truant  officer,  she  was  sent  to  another  school 
for  a  month.  Then  quietly  she  dropped  out  altogether. 
An  attempt  at  work  in  a  factory  at  this  age  was  un- 
successful. "  My  aunt  told  the  forelady  how  I  was  poor 
and  hadn't  any  mother.  So  she  took  pity  on  me  and 
let  me  try."  But  she  was  soon  discharged  and  was 
kept  at  home  to  take  care  of  her  younger  brother  and 
sister,  until  all  three  were  sent  to  an  institution.  Two 
months  later  the  father  died, — as  Carrie  declared  and 
certainly  believed,  "  of  a  broken  heart." 

After  leaving  the  institution  at  fourteen,  she  had 
lived  with  her  aunts  by  spells,  quarreling  and  breaking 
away  from  time  to  time.  For  a  while  she  had  stayed 
with  the  mother  of  a  friend  who  found  her  sitting  on 
the  steps  in  the  rain.  She  tried  places  at  service,  but 
she  was  not  a  trained  houseworker  and  did  not  stay 
long  at  any  place.  Finally  she  had  got  a  job  in  a  steam 
laundry,  but  while  working  there  she  sickened  with 
typhoid  and  was  sent  to  the  hospital.  When  she  came 
to  us  she  was  living  with  an  aunt  in  a  furnished  room 
house,  a  forlorn,  three-story  shack  on  one  of  the  river 
blocks.  The  halls  reeked  with  odors  from  the  corner 
saloon.  The  aunt,  her  husband,  and  two  children  were 
occupying  a  single  room  when  they  took  the  girl  in. 
There  was  only  one  bed.     "  I  told  Carrie  she  could 

89 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


squeeze  in,"  she  explained.  "  I  couldn't  ask  her  to  sleep 
on  the  floor." 

It  was  slow  business  finding  work  for  Carrie.  She 
had  to  have  better  clothes.  She  had  to  be  examined 
by  a  physician,  for  there  were  signs  of  a  venereal  disease 
which  would  have  made  her  dangerous  to  fellow-workers 
in  a  factory.  These  things  had  been  arranged  for  and 
consented  to.  But  before  they  could  be  put  into  effect 
and  work  could  be  found,  Carrie  had  taken  the  plunge. 
She  disappeared  without  leaving  a  trace,  but  soon  after 
one  of  the  girls  reported  seeing  her  on  Eighth  Avenue, 
"in  a  real  wig  and  a  swell  new  suit."  Immorality  was 
not  new  to  Carrie,  but  she  had  found  a  way  to  make 
it  pay.  She  was  "on  the  streets."  There  followed 
an  unsuccessful  search,  inquiries  at  police  headquar- 
ters, of  prison  officials,  of  probation  officers.  We  en- 
listed the  aid  of  a  strong  society,  but  the  agent,  though 
he  promised  to  help,  gave  us  very  little  encourage- 
ment, saying  that  such  a  search  was  pretty  hopeless, 
as  there  were  hundreds  of  girls  in  similar  circumstances 
at  large  in  New  York. 

Carrie  slipped  out  of  sight  all  the  more  easily  because 
she  had  no  one  "who  rightly  belonged  to  her."  When 
a  girl  disappears  from  a  home  presided  over  by  a 
determined  mother,  the  search  which  follows  is  likely 
to  be  a  desperate  one.  Mrs.  Mullarkey's  search  for 
her  Fannie  was  a  mixture  of  folly,  shrewdness,  and 
heroism.  Fannie,  according  to  her  mother,  was  "the 
best  girl  you  ever  saw"  till  she  came  to  live  on  the 
"Gopher  block."  There  she  "got  in"  with  an  older 
girl  at  the  factory  and  began  to  be  tough.  She  threw 
up  her  job,  as  did  her  friend,  and  the  two  spent  their 

90 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

time  in  secret  ways.  At  first  the  mother  knew  nothing 
of  Fannie's  being  out  of  work  because  the  girl  left  home 
regularly  mornings  and  came  home  promptly  to  her 
dinner.  But  at  last  the  fraud  was  discovered;  there 
was  a  scene,  with  "hollerin'  and  smashin',"  and  upon 
the  heels  of  it  Fannie  disappeared.  Mrs.  Mullarkey's 
fears  pointed  to  a  certain  house  on  Eleventh  Avenue 
where  a  woman  lived  who  had  the  reputation  of  harbor- 
ing girls.  Not  daring  to  go  there  alone,  she  enlisted  the 
aid  of  Father  Langan,  "a  rough  hollerin'  sort  of  a  man 
that  the  children  was  all  afraid  of."  But  the  woman 
would  not  open  even  to  the  Father's  authoritative 
knock.  Eventually  they  returned  with  an  officer  who 
broke  down  the  door.  But  Fannie  was  not  there  after 
all. 

Mrs.  Mullarkey's  two  aids,  the  officer  and  the  priest, 
could  give  her  no  further  counsel.  But  she  herself 
knew  of  another  resource  in  the  person  of  a  young  man, 
about  twenty-two  years  old,  a  gangster  and  political 
scullion,  whom  she  had  known  from  early  boyhood.  To 
him  she  made  her  appeal  for  old  acquaintance'  sake. 
"  For  God's  sake,  Petey,"  she  said,  "  you  are  the  only 
one  that  can  get  Fannie.  Find  out  where  she  is." 
Moved  by  the  appeal  and  nothing  loath  to  show  his 
power,  Petey  promised  that  he  would  find  the  girl; 
only  he  stipulated  that  Mrs.  Mullarkey  must  "leave 
Fannie  be"  when  once  she  had  her.  Mrs.  Mullarkey 
agreed  and  Petey  went  forth  on  his  quest.  In  a 
couple  of  hours  he  returned  with  the  culprit  and 
commanded  her  to  tell  her  mother  where  she  had  been. 
At  first  she  refused;  but  Petey,  once  enlisted  on  the 
mother's  side,  was  a  stern  and  unyielding  ally.  He 
brought  out  a  knife  and  threatened  her,  so  that  the 

9> 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

poor  girl  was  terrified  and  stammered  forth  a  confession 
of  how  she  and  her  friend  had  been  staying  together  in 
a  furnished  room.  Mrs.  Mullarkey  was  so  outraged 
by  what  she  heard  that  she  altogether  forgot  her  promise 
to  Petey.  After  he  had  gone  she  summoned  an  officer 
and  had  the  girl  taken  to  court.  Fannie  was  locked  up 
in  a  cell  for  twenty-four  hours  "to  cool  off."  When 
she  came  up  before  the  judge  the  following  day  she 
was  "as  brazen  as  could  be,  not  a  tear  in  her  eye." 
At  last,  however,  she  said  she  wanted  to  go  home,  and 
the  judge  placed  her  on  probation. 

We  knew  a  sorry  scrap  of  a  child,  five  years  old,  who 
was  already  getting  her  instruction.  She  was  a  thin, 
sharp-featured  little  creature,  uncommunicative,  but 
very  watchful  out  of  her  clear,  bright  blue  eyes.  Her 
clothing,  hands,  and  face  were  always  unclean.  She 
gave  an  uncomfortable  sense  of  possessing  a  great  deal 
of  unnatural  knowledge  for  her  age.  Her  home  was  a 
kitchen  with  two  windows,  and  two  tiny  dark  bedrooms, 
as  hopelessly  unkempt  and  dirty  as  herself.  It  was  the 
abode  of  six  people  and  nine  cats.  Her  father  was  the 
last  of  three  husbands,  all  of  doubtful  legal  status.  Her 
mother,  who  drank  heavily  on  occasion,  was  unreliable. 
"Patsy"  was  the  frequent  companion  of  her  sister  of 
fifteen.  This  girl,  who  had  an  unusual,  vivid,  and 
forceful  personality,  was  alternately  sought  out  by  the 
fellows  of  the  block  and  censured  with  their  disapproval. 
She  ruled  Patsy  as  an  autocrat,  petting  and  punishing 
her,  allowing  her  to  "tag  around"  and  constantly  using 
her  as  a  go-between.  There  will  be  no  question  of  a 
"fall"  for  Patsy.  As  she  was  being  taught,  so  in  time 
she  will  naturally  develop. 

With  girls  from  such  homes,  childhood  is  the  crucial 
92 


THE    BREAKDOWN    OF    FAMILY    PROTECTION 

time.  It  is  not  temptation,  circumstance,  or  delusion 
that  gets  them  into  "trouble."  It  is  the  faulty  moral 
and  mental  training  which  simply  expresses  itself  later 
in  the  almost  inevitable,  natural  fashion.  A  smattering 
of  conventional  morality  given  by  the  church  or  by 
school  is  of  little  practical  force  against  the  tenor  of 
their  lives.  "Reform"  for  such  girls  does  not  mean  a 
return  to  abandoned  ideals  and  desires.  This  is  hard 
to  achieve,  but  what  is  required  here  is  still  more  diffi- 
cult. It  is  the  graft  of  new  habits  and  a  new  outlook. 
It  is  the  patient  training  away  from  the  easy  ways  into 
the  strict  new  law.  Even  fourteen  or  fifteen  may  be 
too  late  an  age  at  which  to  begin  this. 

But  actual  immorality  is  not  the  only  fruit  of  the 
dingy,  sordid  happenings  which  compose  so  large  a 
part  of  the  life  of  this  community.  There  are  girls 
who  grow  up  in  the  midst  of  vicious  surroundings  with 
an  inward  security  against  harm.  They  are  as  trust- 
worthy as  the  most  carefully  trained  and  guarded 
child — and  hardier.  For  with  them  there  is  truth  in 
the  familiar  boast,  "  I'm  able  to  take  care  of  myself." 
But  they  pay  a  price  for  this  fortitude.  They  are  not 
taught,  cleanly  and  rightly,  straight  from  the  shoulder. 
The  taint  and  grime  around  them  reach  to  their 
thoughts  and  feeling,  and  they  suffer  in  their  con- 
ceptions of  life  and  of  human  experience. 

We  hear  a  great  deal  of  the  precocious  development 
of  New  York  children.  It  is  most  noticeable  in  girls 
from  homes  like  these.  In  spite  of  the  essential  help- 
lessness of  their  age,  they  acquire  a  surface  hardihood 
which  marks  them  out  from  normal  children.  They 
have  grown  up  to  have  a  settled  distrust  of  life.  They 
have  a  lurking  bitterness  which  may  be  unavoidable 

93 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

in  the  adult  but  which  ought  never  to  play  a  part  in 
childhood. 

Yet,  granting  all  the  untoward  conditions  and  in- 
fluences which  she  must  face,  the  problem  of  our  West 
Side  girl  is  by  no  means  a  hopeless  one.  Watch  her  as 
she  swings  through  the  streets,  lovely  through  all  her 
tawdriness,  fine  through  all  her  vulgarity,  gentle  through 
all  her  "toughness."  Seeing  her  thus  we  cannot  but 
see  also  her  hopeful  possibilities,  in  spite  of  the  sordid- 
ness  and  evil  which  have  encompassed  her. 

To  strengthen  the  best  elements  of  the  home — this  is 
the  surest  and  most  fundamental  way  to  help  this  girl. 
The  dangers  for  her  family  are  the  most  deeply  rooted 
menace  to  her.  And  here  they  are  manifold.  We  may 
safeguard  her  recreation;  we  may  improve  her  school- 
ing; we  may  regulate  her  working  conditions.  But  we 
must  remember  that  she  is  seldom  to  be  regarded 
entirely  as  an  individual;  she  is  one  of  a  family  group, 
a  unit  of  a  community.  Unless  she  drifts  to  the  streets 
she  will  probably  remain  so.  And  whatever  can 
lighten  and  beautify  the  grimy  life  of  the  district,  or 
relieve  the  intense  pressure  on  family  comfort,  will 
give  her  a  better  chance. 


94 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE      ITALIAN     GIRL 
By  Josephine  Roche 

FROM  out  the  big  candy  factories  of  the  Middle 
West  Side  throngs  of  workers,  one  Saturday 
night,  came  hurrying  into  the  December  dark- 
ness. Eagerly  they  turned  their  steps  toward  their 
tenement  homes.  Many  of  them  were  Italian  girls, 
and  very  young. 

Across  the  street  from  Kohlberger's  candy  factory  a 
child  waited,  peering  anxiously  at  every  group  of  girls 
that  left  the  building.  "Lucy!"  she  called  out  sud- 
denly. Three  girls  stopped  and  the  child  ran  up  to 
them  crying,  "Oh,  Lucy,  your  sister  Mary's  got 
twins!"  Lucy's  shriek  of  delight  was  echoed  raptur- 
ously by  her  companions;  they  caught  hold  of  the 
child  and  besieged  her  with  questions.  Several  friends 
stopped  to  hear  the  glad  tidings.  Then  the  little  group 
set  out  up  Ninth  Avenue  for  Lucy  Colletti's  home  to 
see  Mary  and  the  new  arrivals. 

The  noise  of  the  elevated  trains  drowned  their  voices 
and  the  crowds  held  them  back,  but  they  talked  hap- 
pily on.  After  the  first  excitement  of  the  news  had 
abated  a  little,  they  turned  to  other  matters.  "Per- 
haps your  friend  will  be  at  your  house,  Lucy,"  said 
one  of  the  girls. 

Lucy's  happy  look  faded. 
95 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

"No,  he  won't." 

"  But  he's  there  at  the  door  every  night,  and  he 
goes  up  the  stairs  with  you." 

"  My  father's  got  no  use  for  him,  so  I  told  him  .  .  . 
Well,  what's  the  use,  we  ain't  allowed  to  do  anything," 
she  ended  sullenly. 

"Why  don't  you  do  like  Jennie  does,  and  not  let 
them  know?"  asked  the  other. 

"They'd  know.  They  don't  ever  let  me  out  at 
night,  not  even  to  go  to  the  club.  It's  just  sit  around 
the  house  all  evening.  If  you've  got  a  husband,  he'll 
take  you  out  somewhere.  Mary  got  married  when  she 
was  fifteen  and  after  that  she  went  out  all  the  time. 
I  wisht  I  was  married!" 

As  they  turned  from  Ninth  Avenue  west  into  one  of 
the  Forties  a  girl  and  a  young  man  approached  them. 
"There's  Angelina!"  exclaimed  Jennie,  calling  to  the 
girl.  Angelina  greeted  them  warmly.  She  was  thin 
and  looked  delicate,  as  though  she  had  just  recovered 
from  a  severe  illness.  In  answer  to  the  girls'  eager 
questions  she  said  that  she  was  better;  that  she  and 
Nick  were  to  be  married  at  Christmas  and  go  to  live 
in  the  Bronx;  that  she'd  get  well  fast  then.  She 
asked  in  turn  about  the  girls  at  the  factory  and  said 
that  she  missed  them. 

Angelina  was  sixteen.  Two  years  before,  she  had 
gone  into  the  candy  factory.  She  started  at  $3.50  a 
week  and  after  a  year  got  $4.00,  packing  chocolates  in 
the  basement.  It  was  cold  there  and  damp,  and  in 
spite  of  her  heavy  sweater  and  two  pairs  of  stockings 
she  had  contracted  a  severe  cold  which  lingered  on  her 
lungs.  She  failed  steadily  until  one  day  after  a  bad 
fit  of  "coughing  blood"  she  fainted  and  had  to  be 

96 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 

taken  home.  She  could  not  go  back,  although  her 
mother  missed  the  $4.00  sadly,  as  her  father  too  was 
out  of  work.  But  when  she  was  able  to  be  up  and 
care  for  the  baby  and  do  her  mother's  work  as  janitress, 
the  latter  managed  to  get  cleaning  jobs  and  things 
were  easier.  This  last  week  her  father  had  got  em- 
ployment. He  was  washing  dishes  in  a  saloon  for 
$9.00  a  week.  Now  it  would  be  possible  for  Angelina 
to  marry.  Her  friends  shared  in  her  happiness  with 
quick  responsiveness,  and  continued  to  talk  of  her 
marriage  to  Nick  until  the  nearness  of  Lucy's  house 
brought  them  back  to  the  first  interesting  topic  of  the 
evening. 

"My,  I'm  glad  I  don't  have  to  work  tonight!" 
Lucy  exclaimed. 

"Yes,  but  we  must  work  tomorrow!"  exclaimed 
Jennie.  "I  just  hate  going  on  Sunday.  Gee!  I  don't 
want  no  candy  for  a  Christmas  present!" 

Through  cold,  ill-smelling  hallways,  the  girls  trooped 
up  the  four  flights  of  narrow  stairs  to  Lucy's  home. 
The  gas  flame  which  flickered  feebly  on  each  landing 
revealed  the  dirty,  crumbling  walls.  It  was  the  social 
hour  of  the  tenements.  Fathers  were  returning 
from  the  day's  toil  and  the  children  were  welcoming 
them.  Mothers  were  cooking  the  evening  meal,  whose 
various  odors  mingled  in  the  passage-way  with  those 
of  bad  plumbing,  the  common  toilets,  escaping  gas, 
wet  plaster,  and  garbage.  Half-dressed  babies  crept 
out  to  the  open  doors  or  rolled  on  the  bare,  grimy 
hall  floors,  peering  with  curious  eyes  through  the  ban- 
isters at  the  new  arrivals.  The  little  knots  of  neigh- 
bors gathered  about  the  doorways  hailed  Lucy  with 
words   of   rejoicing.     A   continuous    sound   of   voices 

97 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

arose,  sometimes  low  and  laughing,  again,  high  and 
excited,  but  tinged  with  the  varying  cadences  and  the 
finely  shaded  meanings  with  which  the  Italian  language 
abounds.  Accustomed  to  a  life  of  the  greatest  in- 
timacy with  relatives  and  neighbors,  the  Italians  will 
sacrifice  any  comfort  to  preserve  this  condition. 

In  the  Collettis'  flat  a  stream  of  smiling  friends 
passed  in  and  out  congratulating  Mary  and  touching 
with  warm  brown  fingers  the  babies'  cheeks.  Each 
drank  two  tiny  glasses  of  creme  de  menthe  to  the  health 
of  mother  and  children.  Four  generations  lived  in  that 
flat — a  family  of  eleven.  Mrs.  Colletti  was  seated 
near  her  daughter's  bed,  nursing  her  own  year-old  baby. 
Mrs.  Colletti's  mother,  who  had  been  a  midwife  in  Italy, 
tended  her  daughter  and  the  newborn  babies  after 
the  manner  in  which  she  had  cared  years  ago  for  the 
peasant  women  of  Calabria.  The  Collettis  were  pros- 
perous; their  fruit  stand  did  a  good  business.  All  the 
family  helped.  Mrs.  Colletti  spent  every  morning  at 
the  stand,  and  the  children  were  there  after  school  and 
at  night.  They  were  able  to  afford  a  five-room  flat 
and  some  pretentious  furniture.  The  front  room  was 
particularly  splendid  with  its  brilliant  green-flowered 
rug,  stiff  Nottingham  curtains,  and  equally  stiff  "par- 
lor set."  Mary's  wedding  presents,  bright  painted 
vases,  imitation  cut  glass,  enormous  feather  roses,  and 
pink  celluloid  album,  were  arranged  around  the  room. 
Staring  likenesses  in  heavy  oil  paint  of  the  bride  and 
groom  were  the  crowning  glory  of  the  parlor. 

Lucy  dropped  her  pay  envelope  into  her  mother's 
lap.  Then  she  and  her  friends  surrounded  the  sixteen- 
year-old  mother  and  told  her  of  the  day's  happenings, 
of  meeting  Angelina,  and  how  she  was  soon  to  be  mar- 

98 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 


ried.  Mary  was  as  eager  as  the  others  over  the  idea 
of  a  wedding  and  a  dance.  Indeed  she  would  be  able 
to  go!  And  she  would  wear  her  blue  dress,  the  one  she 
bought  when  she  "stood  up"  with  Flora  at  her  wedding. 

Lucy's  friends  promised  as  they  said  goodnight,  to 
explain  to  the  "boss"  why  she  could  not  come  on  Sun- 
day morning  for  extra  work.  They  ran  downstairs  out 
into  the  street,  and  as  they  passed  the  steam  laundry 
on  the  block,  from  which  came  the  dull  thump  of  sub- 
siding machinery,  a  girl  came  through  the  iron  gateway. 
She  was  a  short,  stocky  peasant  type,  but  her  shoulders 
were  stooped,  her  flesh  flabby,  and  she  looked  far  from 
strong.  She  shivered  as  she  came  out  of  the  hot, 
steaming  workroom  into  the  chill  December  air.  The 
girls  greeted  her. 

"You  wasn't  at  the  club  last  night,  Rose,  so  we  came 
up  to  see  you,"  said  Jennie. 

"No,  I  never  get  home  till  most  9  o'clock  on 
Fridays  and  on  Mondays.  It's  awful  busy  at  the 
laundry  these  days,"  Rose  explained.  "  I  wisht  I  was 
back  at  the  factory  packing  peanut  brittle.  It's  no 
joke  standin'  foldin'  all  day  long.  My  side  hurts  some- 
thing fierce;  it  wakes  me  up  at  night."  The  group 
walked  along  arm  in  arm  toward  the  tenement  in 
which  Rose  Morelli  lived. 

"  Have  you  heard  from  Tony?"  Jennie  asked  as  they 
entered  the  Morelli  flat. 

Rose  shook  her  head  and  glanced  at  her  mother  who 
sat  monotonously  jigging  a  dull-looking  baby  on  her 
lap.  At  the  mention  of  her  son's  name  she  raised  her 
great,  heavy  eyes  and  spoke  to  Rose  in  Italian.  Then 
she  dropped  them  again  and  the  tears  ran  quietly  down 
her  face.    Tony  was  the  oldest  of  the  family,  the  only 

99 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

boy,  and  he  had  run  away  to  Florida  six  weeks  before. 
He  had  been  led  to  do  so  by  another  boy — a  bad  boy. 
The  Morellis  always  explained  that  it  was  not  Tony's 
fault ;  he  was  a  good  boy  but  he  had  got  tired  of  work- 
ing for  the  butcher.  He  had  written  them  a  postal 
from  Jacksonville  saying  that  he  was  having  a  grand 
time  and  was  stable  boy  on  the  race  track.  But  no 
further  word  had  come.  They  did  not  know  where  he 
was.  But  the  mother  had  not  given  up  hope  that  he 
would  come  back,  though  each  day  she  grew  thinner 
and  the  heavy  marks  under  her  eyes  grew  darker.  She 
watched  on  the  fire  escape  each  night,  peering  down  the 
street  for  Tony's  familiar  figure.  Now,  as  she  wept 
for  him,  she  drew  the  baby  to  her  and  kissed  it  pas- 
sionately. 

The  baby  was  not  her  own.  It  was  a  little  Jewish 
foundling  she  had  taken  from  the  "Home"  to  nurse 
when  her  last  baby  died  seven  months  ago.  Four  chil- 
dren had  died  before  that  when  "  so  leetle."  Over  the 
mantelpiece  hung  a  large,  shiny  photograph  of  the  last 
baby  lying  in  its  casket.  The  casket  had  been  very 
expensive,  but  it  had  been  a  great  comfort  to  the  mother 
to  put  so  much  money  into  it,  quite  unconscious  that 
the  living  children  were  paying  its  heavy  price  in 
lowered  health  and  vitality. 

The  Morellis'  three  rooms  had  none  of  the  air  of 
prosperity  that  characterized  the  Colletti  home.  They 
were  bare,  and  would  have  been  dingy  except  for  the 
bright  bedspread,  the  gayly  colored  wall  decorations, 
and  advertising  calendars,  pictures  of  the  royal  family, 
the  pope,  the  saints,  and  the  Holy  Virgin.  Under  this 
last  a  candle  burned,  an  offering  for  Tony's  return.  In 
the  tiny  dark  box  of  a  room  back  of  the  kitchen  a  cot 

100 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 

and  two  chairs  served  Rose  and  the  two  younger  girls 
as  sleeping  accommodations.  A  shakedown  in  the 
kitchen  had  been  Tony's  bed.  It  was  still  there,  un- 
used. No  one  else  would  have  thought  of  sleeping  in 
it.  It  would  have  been  an  acknowledgment  that  he 
might  not  need  it  again. 

As  Rose  went  on  talking  of  their  "trouble"  to  her 
friends,  they  responded  with  quick  sympathy.  They 
lamented  with  the  Morellis  as  sincerely  as  they  had 
rejoiced  with  the  Colletti  family.  They  felt  with  Rose 
as  keenly  and  genuinely  as  with  Mary  and  Lucy. 
Sympathy  is  the  keynote  of  the  Italian  community. 
It  binds  together  not  only  members  of  the  same  family 
but  relatives  of  all  degrees,  friends,  fellow-tenants, 
speakers  of  the  same  dialect,  those  from  the  same  Latin 
town.  It  extends  to  the  little  foundling,  the  tiny 
boarder,  whose  frequent  presence  in  the  home  is  such 
sad  evidence  of  the  high  infant  mortality  in  the  Italian 
families.  The  $10  which  the  foster  mother  receives 
from  the  institution  as  board  money  does  not  prevent 
her  from  loving  her  little  nursling  with  the  same  pas- 
sionate abandon  with  which  she  loves  her  own. 

Whether  a  girl  comes  from  the  higher  income  group 
like  the  Collettis,  whose  home  runs  the  whole  depth  of 
the  house  and  has  circulation  of  fresh  air,  or  from  the 
group  that  feels  the  pressure  of  bare  living  in  three 
choking,  dark  rooms  as  do  the  Morellis,  she  is  touched 
by  the  same  deep  influence  of  family  bonds  and  customs. 
A  tying-up  of  the  individual  with  the  group,  an  identity 
of  interests  with  those  of  one's  kin — these  are  the  factors 
which  dominate  the  lives  of  the  family  into  which  the 
Italian  girl  is  born  and  which  present  a  valiant  front  to 
the  forces  of  personal  independence  that  meet  her  in 

IOI 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

her  American  life,  at  school,  in  industry,  and  in  recrea- 
tion. 

The  claims  of  the  school  weigh  little  against  the  claims 
of  the  family.  While  she  is  a  little  girl  in  the  grades, 
having  difficulty  perhaps  with  her  lessons,  the  disad- 
vantage to  her  of  being  "  kept  out"  a  few  days  does  not 
weigh  an  instant  against  some  temporary  family  need  in 
which  she  may  be  of  help.  Illness,  financial  loss,  trouble 
of  any  kind,  not  merely  in  her  own  home  but  in  that  of 
an  aunt  or  uncle,  keep  many  a  young  girl  out  of  school 
if  only  to  lament  with  the  afflicted. 

Let  us  glance  into  the  Belsito  kitchen  on  a  winter 
evening  after  Adelina  Belsito  has  been  absent  from 
school  for  a  week.  Over  at  the  school  the  teacher's 
register  shows  that  this  last  week's  defection  is  only  the 
latest  of  a  long  series  of  absences  on  the  part  of  "  Bel- 
sito, Adelina."  On  this  particular  evening  a  number  of 
friends  are  collected  in  the  kitchen;  their  sympathetic 
and  concerned  expressions  show  that  they  are  discussing 
some  grave  and  anxious  matter.  Presently  there  enters 
upon  the  scene  the  school  visitor.  Will  she  not  be 
seated  and  have  a  glass  of  wine  and  Adelina  will  tell  the 
long  story  of  the  family's  misfortunes. 

Illness,  accident,  death,  and  loss  of  savings  have 
followed  each  other  in  rapid  succession,  topped  now 
by  the  burning  of  a  stable  and  the  loss  of  Mr.  Belsito's 
two  draft  horses,  the  sole  capital  of  the  family.  Angelina 
tells  the  story  eagerly  in  great  detail,  Mrs.  Belsito 
nodding  mournfully  at  times  and  adding  to  her 
daughter's  account.  The  father  is  absent  because  he  is 
out  looking  for  more  horses.  He  has  borrowed  money 
from  a  friend  who  is  "rich"  and  the  family  is  anxiously 
waiting  to  know  his  luck.     Presently  he  comes,  the 

102 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 


children  running  to  him  and  clinging  to  his  legs.  No, 
he  has  not  been  able  to  find  horses;  all  cost  too  much; 
there  is  nothing,  nothing  to  be  had.  He  clasps  his  head 
with  his  hands  and  sits  with  it  tragically  bowed.  Fresh 
commiseration  arises  from  the  gathering,  and  animated 
suggestions  are  offered. 

Adelina  must  go  to  work.  That  is  the  consensus 
of  opinion.  But  upon  inquiry,  the  school  visitor 
learns  that  Adelina  is  not  yet  entitled  to  working 
papers,  being  only  in  the  fourth  grade,  although  nearly 
fifteen.  No,  she  does  not  like  to  go  to  school;  she  did 
like  it  until  a  year  ago,  but  lately  there  has  been  "so 
much  trouble"  that  she  has  been  often  absent.  Of 
course  she  has  not  gone  this  week!  After  her  father's 
horses  had  burned!  Adelina  lifts  surprised,  hurt  eyes 
at  the  question,  though  she  is  not  able  to  explain  just 
what  aid  she  has  been  able  to  give  by  staying  at  home. 
And  they  have  been  sending  her  cards  from  the  school, 
the  last  one  demanding  that  her  father  come  before  the 
principal  and  explain  her  absence.  Adelina  and  her 
family  find  this  very  hard  and  unjust  "when  there  is 
so  much  trouble."  Besides,  the  father  could  not  go;  he 
had  to  look  for  horses.  The  father  lifts  his  head  and 
speaks  to  the  girl  in  Italian.  Presently  she  explains, 
"  My  father  say  he  have  it  in  his  head  what  he  do  for 
you  if  you  speak  to  the  principal  for  me." 

And  through  the  slight  service  which  the  "school 
lady"  later  rendered,  the  Belsitos  became  her  fast 
friends. 

In  the  Ruletti  home  down  the  block  there  is  trouble 
of  another  kind.  This  time  it  is  the  mother's  grief  which 
the  daughter  shares.  Mrs.  Ruletti  is  a  slender,  bent 
little  woman  in  black.     She  is  not  over  thirty-three  but 

103 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


her  deeply  lined  face  looks  all  of  fifty.  Just  home  from 
work,  she  snatches  up  the  baby  and  kisses  it  passion- 
ately, murmuring  to  it  in  Italian.  She  weeps  as  she 
talks.  Lucrezia  Ruletti  explains,  "They're  going  to 
take  it  back;  they  wouldn't  let  her  keep  it  any  longer 
and  she  feels  just  like  she  did  when  our  baby  died." 

"Take  it  back?" 

"Oh,  yes,  to  the  'Home.'  Bennie  isn't  our  real 
brother;  he's  a  foundling.  You  see,  when  the  last  baby 
died  in  the  winter  my  mother  took  Bennie  from  the 
Home  and  now  we  all  love  him  and  they  want  to  take 
him  back." 

Mrs.  Ruletti  breaks  in.  "  They  say  to  me, '  You  have 
no  milk  now,  bring  Bennie  back.'  But  1  feed  him  bread, 
meat,  oh!  he  can  eat  soon.  I  no  want  him  to  go;  like 
loosa  my  own  baby." 

In  the  Italian  household  the  daughter  of  fourteen  is 
expected  to  bear  a  full  share  of  the  mother's  responsibili- 
ties. She  keeps  the  house,  cooks,  washes,  dresses  and 
disciplines  the  children.  Laura  Tuzzoli,  with  her  old 
little  face  and  her  maternal  air,  is  a  not  unusual  type. 
Going  to  call  for  the  first  time  I  paused  before  the  tene- 
ment, uncertain  as  to  their  floor.  A  group  of  dark-eyed 
children  around  an  ash  can  nearby  watched  me  curi- 
ously. One  tiny  four-year-old  flashed  a  quick  smile  of 
friendliness  and  a  brilliant  glance  from  her  black  eyes, 
then  edged  a  little  away  from  her  companions.  Asked 
where  Laura  Tuzzoli  lived,  she  straightened  her  slight, 
ragged  shoulders  and  informed  me  that  she  was  also  a 
"Tuzzoli."  She  slipped  her  mite  of  a  hand  into  mine 
and  led  me  up  the  dirty,  unsteady  stairs  to  "our  house." 

There  the  fourteen-year-old  sister  was  presiding  in 
the  mother's  absence.    She  had  just  begun  to  bathe  the 

104 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 

one-year-old  baby,  having  finished  cleaning  their  three 
rooms.  The  windows  had  been  washed  as  had  the  gilt- 
framed,  cracked  mirror  which  hung  proudly  in  the  space 
between  them.  On  a  shelf  beneath  a  picture  of  the 
Virgin  stood  a  clean  jelly-glass  filled  with  water  on  which 
floated  a  cork  bearing  a  freshly  lighted  candle. 

Presently  little  Lizzie  Tuzzoli  came  in  from  school 
carrying  her  books  and  papers  for  "home  work." 
Fourteen-year-old  Laura  put  her  through  a  rapid  fire 
of  questions  about  her  behavior  and  whether  she  had 
"made  up"  with  a  certain  Mamie.  Lizzie  suddenly 
dived  into  her  bag  and  produced  from  it  a  wonderful 
pink  pencil  of  the  screw  variety.  Pride  of  possession 
shone  in  her  eyes  as  she  displayed  it. 

"  I  got  it  off  Lena  Perella,"  she  announced.  Laura 
seized  the  pencil,  touched  it  carefully,  then  gave  Lizzie 
a  sharp  look.     "  Did  she  give  it  to  you?"  she  demanded. 

Lizzie  squirmed  a  little.  "Yes.  She —  I  found  it 
and  didn't  know  it  belonged  to  her,  and  Carrie  Bussi 
said  Lena  didn't  want  it  anyway,  so " 

Laura  handed  the  pencil  back  with  a  scorching  glance 
and  a  dictum  whose  tone,  permitted  no  rejoinder, 
"You  take  that  back  to  school  tomorrow  and  give  it  to 
Lena,  d'ye  hear?"  Then  she  became  the  gracious 
hostess  again. 

The  bond  between  Zappira  Blondi  and  her  mother 
was  of  another  sort.  When  Zappira  was  twelve  years 
old  her  father  had  sailed  away  to  America  leaving  his 
family  in  the  little  village  near  Naples  to  wait  until  he 
could  earn  a  home  for  them  in  the  new  country.  But 
work  was  harder  to  find  than  he  expected.  After  a 
year's  absence  he  wrote  a  letter  home  filled  with  dis- 
couragement and  reporting  dreary  failure.     Zappira, 

105 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

who  was  the  oldest  of  the  children,  shared  in  her 
mother's  keen  disappointment.  The  two  put  their 
heads  together  and  laid  a  plan  whereby  they  could  earn 
their  passage.  The  mother  borrowed  a  sum  of  money 
sufficient  to  stock  a  small  store  in  their  village.  This 
she  and  Zappira  proceeded  to  conduct  so  successfully 
that  at  the  end  of  the  year  the  small  debt  had  been  re- 
paid and  the  passage  money  laid  aside.  Their  venture 
had  been  kept  a  secret  from  the  father,  and  when  they 
were  all  ready  to  make  the  journey  they  wrote  him  the 
good  news  and  named  the  date  when  he  should  meet 
them  at  Ellis  Island.  Great  was  the  joy  of  the  family 
at  being  together,  but  hard  work  still  lay  ahead  of  these 
brave  women.  They  took  two  small  rooms  in  Mott 
Street,  and  for  a  year  mother  and  daughter  worked  in  a 
factory,  eking  out  a  bare  living.  The  girl  was  now 
sixteen,  old  enough  to  be  married,  and  though  the 
family  could  ill  afford  to  lose  her  wages  her  father  did 
not  fail  in  what  he  considered  his  duty.  He  soon  found 
a  husband  for  her.  Although  so  young,  Zappira  had, 
through  years  of  close  partnership  with  her  mother, 
already  acquired  many  of  the  sober  qualities  of  middle 
age. 

The  unity  of  the  Italian  family  has  an  economic  as 
well  as  an  emotional  basis.  Father,  mother,  and 
*  children  often  form  a  single  industrial  unit.  "  I  works 
for  me  fader,"  says  the  urchin  whom  you  meet  on  the 
stairs  carrying  a  pail  of  coal  to  a  customer.  Visit  the 
Sabbio  family  and  you  find  Mrs.  Sabbio  presiding  at  the 
bar  in  a  small  saloon.  In  response  to  your  question 
whether  her  husband  owns  the  saloon,  she  answers, 
"  Both  of  us,  we  work  together." 

In  the  dark,  damp  little  coal  and  ice  cellars,  the 
106 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 

cluttered  tailor  and  cobbler  shops,  the  grocery  and 
candy  stores,  at  the  fruit  stands,  and  in  the  saloons,  all 
members  of  the  family  take  a  hand  and  help  to  bring  in 
the  common  income.  Stroll  along  Ninth  Avenue  and 
you  may  see  sometimes  one  member  of  the  family  "on 
the  job,"  sometimes  another;  at  busy  times,  all  are 
there.  The  mother  is  almost  always  on  duty,  delegating 
the  housekeeping  and  tending  of  babies  to  the  daughter 
at  home.  But  very  often  the  baby  is  also  in  evidence, 
and  is  unceremoniously  dumped  from  his  mother's  or 
sister's  arms  into  a  perambulator  when  attention  must 
be  given  to  a  customer. 

Similarly,  the  Italian  of  this  West  Side  community 
makes  common  financial  cause  with  his  relatives  and 
friends  in  business  enterprises.  He  is  likely  to  be 
in  partnership  with  his  father-in-law  or  one  of  his 
numerous  brothers  or  cousins  in  the  ownership  of  dray- 
horses,  of  a  candy  or  notion  store,  or  a  stand.  When- 
ever an  Italian  begins  to  thrive  in  any  kind  of  joint 
business  one  may  at  once  be  assured  that  his  relatives 
are  "in  on  it."  And  one  may  be  equally  sure  that  in 
times  of  hard  luck  or  slack  work  the  temporary  deficit 
of  the  family  will  be  met  by  relatives  and  friends. 
This  is  taken  as  a  matter  of  course.  "  In  Italy  every- 
body helps  everybody  else"  is  the  answer  you  receive 
if  you  express  surprise.  If  the  head  of  the  household 
falls  ill,  the  neighbors  drop  in  daily  to  see  how  he  is, 
and  rarely  does  one  leave  without  first  slipping  into  the 
sick  man's  hand  a  nickel,  a  dime,  or  perhaps  a  quarter. 
Not  the  slightest  thought  of  charity  is  entailed  by  the 
act,  either  in  the  giver's  mind  or  the  receiver's.  It  is 
understood,  however,  that  the  act  of  kindness  will  be 
reciprocated  when  occasion  arises. 

107 


THE    NEGLECTED  GIRL 

When  the  social  worker  visits  such  a  home  and  notes 
that  the  signs  of  real  want  are  lacking,  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  the  sole  income  is  the  $4.00  or  $5.00  a  week 
which  the  daughter  earns,  the  suspicion  arises  that  these 
people  must  have  profited  in  business  before  the  father's 
illness  and  put  by  more  than  they  will  admit.  Then 
the  next-door  neighbor  enters,  a  coin  is  dropped  quite 
openly  on  the  bedcover,  and  the  social  worker  departs 
with  a  deeper  insight  into  the  ways  and  character  of 
the  Italian.  Small  wonder  that  charitable  societies  of 
this  district  have  comparatively  few  Italian  families  in 
their  charge.*  So  common  is  the  feeling  of  loyalty 
and  responsibility  among  them  that  it  is  like  the  old 
tribal  sense  of  oneness,  an  entire  merging  of  the  per- 
sonal in  the  group  interest,  and  the  group's  bearing  as 
its  own  the  burden  of  the  individual. 

The  protection  and  watchfulness  of  the  family  are 
constantly  about  the  girl.  And  the  family  circle 
from  which  surveillance  proceeds  is  usually  intact  unless 
death  has  entered  it.  Only  in  rare  cases  is  a  "broken 
home"  the  result  of  desertion.  The  Italian  does  not 
abandon  his  wife  and  family,  nor  is  his  relation  to  his 
children  that  of  breadwinner  only.  He  shares  with  the 
mother  the  intimate  care  and  close  watchfulness  over 
them.  It  is  always  "  I  ask  my  father  "  with  these  young 
Italian  girls,  and  in  spite  of  the  over-strictness  which  so 
many  of  them  resent  and  from  which  they  take  refuge  in 
deception,  there  is  between  the  Italian  father  and  his 

*  The  solidarity  of  this  colony  of  Italians  is  not  necessarily  typical 
of  other  colonies  in  the  city,  some  of  which  are  known  to  be  well 
represented  in  the  charity  organization  records  of  their  district.  One 
charitable  agency  reports,  for  instance,  that  in  a  certain  upper  East 
Side  district,  nearly  90  per  cent  of  the  families  applying  for  relief  in 
1912-13  were  Italian;  but  Italians  undoubtedly  formed  a  large  per- 
centage of  the  population. 

108 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 

daughter  a  close  degree  of  companionship  seldom  found 
in  Americans  of  their  position.  Perhaps  this  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  he  is  more  in  touch  with  American 
life  than  the  shut-in  Italian  mother,  whose  life  is 
almost  wholly  occupied  with  child-bearing  and  child- 
burying. 

The  eagerness  of  most  Italian  parents  for  the  arrival 
of  a  daughter's  fourteenth  birthday  strikes  one  with  no 
little  pathos  when  one  bears  in  mind  how  pitifully  small 
is  the  equipment  of  the  child  at  that  age  grown  up  in 
so  restricted  an  environment.  The  girl  herself  is  as 
eager  to  go  to  work  as  her  parents  are  to  have  her.  She 
takes  it  for  granted  that  she  should  help  in  the  family 
income.  Carlotta  gets  a  job  not  because  she  feels  the 
need  of  self-support  as  an  expression  of  individuality, 
of  self-dependence,  but  because  she  feels  so  strongly 
the  sense  of  family  obligation.  Lucy  Colletti  turned 
her  weekly  wages  into  the  more  generous  family  income 
as  readily  and  unquestioningly  as  Rose  Morelli  gave 
hers  to  meet  the  needs  of  bare  subsistence. 

The  West  Side  Carlotta  is  not  a  recent  immigrant. 
Her  family  came  through  Ellis  Island  probably  as  much 
as  ten  years  ago,*  settling  first  in  one  of  the  lower  and 
more  congested  districts  of  New  York.  Later  they 
moved  up  to  this  district,  attracted  by  reports  of 
cheaper  rents  or  simply  following,  as  is  the  Italian  way, 
relatives  already  there.  Her  father  is  probably  a 
naturalized  citizen. 

Notwithstanding  the  exotic  community  in  which  the 

*  Among  a  group  of  86  families  visited,  the  length  of  residence  in 
the  district  was  obtained  for  79.  Of  these,  5  1  families  had  lived  in 
the  district  more  than  ten  years.  Eighteen  of  the  5 1  had  come  di- 
rect from  Italy  and  33  had  moved  here  from  other  parts  of  the  city. 

109 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


Italian  lives  and  his  loyalty  to  Latin  traditions,  ten 
years  of  New  York  are  bound  to  leave  their  mark. 
This  is  particularly  true  of  the  West  Side  Italians,  so 
many  of  whom  carry  on  a  petty  but  independent  busi- 
ness. Owning  a  fruit  stand,  a  coal  cellar,  or  a  trucking 
business  is  in  itself  evidence  of  long  residence  and  some 
Americanization.*  "  The  Italian  with  the  stand — eh,  he 
is  well  off — long  time  here,"  is  a  common  remark  among 
his  compatriots. 

Other  signs  of  long  residence  on  the  West  Side  are 
the  changes  in  names.  Not  only  does  "Lucrezia" 
become  "Lucy";  "Dominica,"  "Minnie";  "Giovan- 
nina,"  "Jennie";  "Fortunata,"  "Nettie";  "Francesca," 
"Fannie"  and  so  on,  but  even  the  family  names  some- 
times suffer  a  change.  The  "Aquinas"  become  the 
"Quinns,"  the  "D'Adamos"  become  the  "Adamses." 
The  old  names  to  which  still  cling  some  of  the 
grandeur  that  was  Rome  are  often  gladly  exchanged 
for  a  genuine  West  Side  cognomen. 

Perhaps  the  chief  evidence  of  Americanization,  how- 
ever, appears  when  the  daughter  of  the  family  begins 
wage-earning.  For  this  she  goes  directly  to  the  factory. 
She  does  not  join  the  ranks  of  the  Italian  women  who 
form  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  out-workers  or  home 
workers  of  New  York  City.  Only  those  who  are 
familiar  with  the  submissive  way  in  which  the  Old  World 
Italian  women  endure  industrial  exploitation  can  under- 
stand what  a  stride  toward  independence  the  Italian 

*  While  the  men  in  the  group  visited  were  found  to  be  engaged  in 
an  unusual  variety  of  occupations — laborer,  barber,  waiter,  and  40 
others  were  recorded  during  a  general  investigation  among  Italians 
in  the  district — most  noticeable  was  the  group  of  well  represented 
occupations  in  which  the  whole  family  can  share. 

110 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 


girl  has  made  by  simply  working  in  a  factory  instead 
of  at  home. 

A  trade-union  organizer  and  a  home-work  investi- 
gator were  recently  discussing  the  Italian  girl  of  six- 
teen. The  former  had  found  Italian  girls  slow  to  re- 
spond to  trade  organization,  and  was  pessimistic  about 
their  economic  future.  "They  will  not  progress,  nor 
can  you  blame  them  when  you  think  of  the  history  of 
their  women  in  Italy."  "You  forget  how  far  these 
Italian  girls  in  the  factory  have  already  progressed," 
said  the  home-work  investigator.  "The  Italian  women 
I  know  best  are  doing  tenement  house  work  and  earn- 
ing pitifully  low  wages  because  they  will  not  leave  their 
homes  to  work  in  a  factory." 

The  Italian  girl  works  in  the  factories  nearest  home. 
These  on  the  West  Side  happen  to  be  principally  candy 
factories  and  laundries — such  as  Kohlberger's,  where 
Lucy  Colletti  worked,  and  the  laundry  where  Rose 
Morelli  was  employed  as  a  folder.  Should  the  factory 
move  she  looks  for  another  nearby.  Evil  lies  in  strange 
parts.  If  the  neighboring  candy  factory  overworks  its 
employes,  as  it  usually  does  during  the  weeks  before 
Christmas,  requiring  night  work*  and  Sunday  work,  the 
girls  and  their  families  regretfully  submit  to  these  weeks 
of  exploitation. 

But  although  economic  necessity  may  force  Carlotta 
into  the  factory,  it  does  not  make  her  otherwise  more 
independent  of  her  family.  Her  father  and  mother  cling 
persistently  to  the  old-country  custom  of  close  watch- 
fulness over  her.  Parental  surveillance  may  be  relaxed 
during  her  hours  of  work,  but  it  is  promptly  revived 

*  A  law  prohibiting  employment  of  women  in  factories  after  10  p.  m 
became  effective  July  I,  1913. 


I  1 1 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

when  the  day's  work  is  over.  The  streets,  the  dance 
hall,  even  the  well  chaperoned  amusement  club  are 
prohibited;  nor  may  she  spend  her  money  on  dress  or 
choose  a  "fellow"  for  herself.  Italian  girls  have  ac- 
quired to  a  less  degree  than  American  girls  the  habit 
of  spending. 

But  of  course  this  system  breeds  an  occasional  rebel. 
There  was  Filamina  Moresco,  for  instance,  whose  calm 
investment  of  $25  in  a  pink  party  dress,  a  beaver  hat, 
and  a  willow  plume,  was  reported  as  little  less  than  the 
act  of  a  brigand.  If  she  had  withheld  20  cents  out  of  her 
pay  envelope  from  her  mother  she  would  probably  have 
been  beaten.  As  it  was,  she  appropriated  $25  and  her 
high-handedness  was  her  protection.  Jennie  Polini's 
form  of  rebellion — choosing  a  "fellow"  for  herself  and 
"seeing  him  on  the  sly" — was  not  as  successful.  The 
other  girls  regarded  her  conduct  with  doubt  and  dis- 
approval, though  they  shared  all  of  Jennie's  bitter  re- 
sentment against  the  stern  discipline  of  her  parents  from 
whom  she  was  separated  by  the  old  abyss  between  the 
generations,  widened  and  deepened  by  the  disparities 
of  the  old  world  and  the  new.  The  pleasures  which  the 
Italian  parents  permit  their  daughter  are  those  which 
she  may  enjoy  in  their  company.  She  shares  in  the 
celebration  of  family  events  which  the  church  recognizes 
and  dignifies  with  a  ritual;  such  as  a  birth,  a  death,  or  a 
wedding,  the  seasons  of  Christmas  and  Easter,  the 
saints'  days,  and  the  American  holidays.  These  latter 
she  interprets  in  her  own  way.  Angelina  Costa  in- 
formed her  parents  on  Lincoln's  birthday  that  the 
schools  were  closed  because  it  was  an  "American  saint's 
day." 

The  patriarchal  festivals  of  the  Italian  contadini  are 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 

reproduced,  however  sordidly,  in  the  christening  parties, 
the  wedding  dances,  and  the  burial  ceremonies  of  the 
West  Side.  To  the  daughter  of  fourteen  a  wedding 
party  is  the  summit  of  bliss.  She  lives  from  wedding  to 
wedding,  treasuring  memories  of  the  last  one  or  prepar- 
ing for  the  next,  until  her  own  turn  comes  to  be  the 
central  figure.  One  cannot  fancy  her  stealing  away  to  a 
secret  marriage  as  so  many  of  the  West  Side  daughters 
are  inclined  to  do.  That  would  be  to  miss  the  most 
glorious  day  of  her  life. 

The  "school  lady's"  invitation  to  Angelina  Marro's 
marriage  announced  that  the  wedding  dance  would 
begin  at  5  in  the  afternoon,  immediately  after  the 
marriage  ceremony.  The  "West  Side  Cafe"  had  been 
engaged  for  the  night's  celebration.  Surely  a  place 
with  so  high-sounding  a  name  must  lay  claim  to  con- 
siderable pretension!  It  was  with  some  disillusion- 
ment that  the  "school  lady"  entered  a  small  doorway 
and  groped  her  way  through  a  narrow,  dingy,  and 
perfectly  dark  passage  toward  a  tiny  slit  of  light  which 
promised  another  door  in  the  far  distance.  Repeated 
knocks  on  the  panels  below  this  ray  finally  caused  a 
slipping  of  bolts.  A  huge  black  Italian  appeared  at  the 
opening.  Near  him  stood  a  countryman.  They  were 
both  engaged  in  getting  ready  the  refreshments,  but 
they  welcomed  the  intruder.  On  a  big,  round  table  stood 
a  large  tin  washtub  filled  with  water  for  rewashing  the 
beer  mugs  after  use.  Large  wooden  trays  were  piled 
high  with  a  quantity  of  sandwiches  that  one  could  not 
believe  any  crowd,  however  large,  could  consume.  An 
enormous  Italian  cheese,  plates  of  Italian  cakes,  and  a 
number  of  crates  of  beer  completed  the  preparation  for 
the  feast. 

113 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

The  room  may  have  been  30  by  50  feet;  the  ceiling 
was  low  and  the  only  means  of  ventilation  were  two 
small  windows  at  one  end  which  opened  on  a  court. 
These  were  tightly  closed,  with  shades  and  curtains 
drawn.  Around  the  walls  were  benches  and  chairs. 
At  the  end  opposite  the  windows  were  the  piano  and 
chairs  for  the  musicians.  The  walls  were  decorated  with 
cheap  prints,  a  large  color  print  of  George  and  Martha 
Washington  being  most  conspicuous  among  them. 
Stretching  from  the  four  corners  of  the  ceiling  to  the 
gas  chandelier  in  the  middle  of  the  room  were  strings 
of  flags,  representing  all  nations,  but  most  of  them 
were  American  and  Italian. 

The  bride  and  groom  had  not  yet  arrived,  but  one  of 
the  bridesmaids,  Lucy  Colletti,  came  forward  and 
greeted  the  visitor  cordially.  The  bride  was  having 
her  picture  taken,  she  explained,  but  would  arrive  very 
soon.  The  room  began  to  fill  up  with  relatives  and 
friends  of  the  married  pair.  There  was  no  dressing 
room.  All  the  wraps  were  piled  together  on  the  top 
of  a  high  narrow  wardrobe.  One  of  the  men  stood  on  a 
chair  and  threw  on  top  of  the  fast  growing  pile  the 
additional  coats,  hats,  and  furs. 

Guests  of  all  ages,  from  grandparents  to  toddling 
children,  continued  to  arrive  in  parties.  Suddenly  the 
outer  door  opened  and  the  young  bride  and  groom 
entered.  There  were  cries  of  welcome,  a  burst  of  hand- 
clapping,  and  a  general  rush  for  the  pair.  The  dark, 
frail  little  bride  in  her  elaborate  costume  looked  like  a 
child  playing  at  "dressing  up."  The  fine  net  gown  and 
veil,  the  white  slippers  and  gloves,  must  have  meant 
months  of  saving  and  stern  denials  of  necessities.  She 
was  only  sixteen,  and  Nick,  who  walked  beside  her 

114 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 


bearing  his  head  like  a  young  prince  instead  of  the 
young  butcher's  helper  that  he  was,  had  barely  turned 
nineteen.  One  could  not  but  reflect  that  if  he  had  been 
living  in  Gramercy  Park  instead  of  on  the  West  Side  he 
might  now  be  receiving  his  high  school  diploma  instead 
of  assuming  the  burden  and  responsibility  of  a  family. 
And  the  little  bride  might  be  heading  the  freshman 
basketball  team  with  years  of  care-free  development 
ahead  of  her,  instead  of  facing  the  imminent  trials  of 
child-bearing  with  the  probable  addition  of  factory 
labor. 

The  wedded  pair  made  their  way  down  the  hall  to 
the  chairs  placed  for  them  at  the  end.  The  fact  most 
striking  to  the  outsider  was  the  total  lack  of  self- 
consciousness  or  awkward  embarrassment  on  the  part  of 
either,  young  as  they  were,  at  being  the  center  of  atten- 
tion, the  object  of  laughing  comments  and  affectionate 
raillery  from  all  present. 

The  bride  took  her  seat  behind  a  table  at  the  end  of 
the  room,  removed  her  flowers  and  put  them  in  a  pitcher 
of  water,  and  having  carefully  arranged  her  veil  was 
ready  to  receive  her  friends.  "Come,"  said  Lucy 
Colletti,  "we  must  go  up  to  the  bride."  This  ceremony 
over,  we  stood  back  and  watched  the  children  scramble 
wildly  for  the  pennies  the  men  tossed  up.  Although  the 
musicians  were  nearly  an  hour  late,  no  one  seemed  to 
mind.  The  children  raced  and  played  and  rolled  on 
the  freshly  waxed  floor  with  fearful  results  to  their 
clothes. 

By  the  time  the  music  began,  the  room  had  grown  so 
crowded  that  the  dancers  were  confined  to  a  small  circle 
in  the  center.  As  the  evening  passed  the  air  became 
blue  with  dust  and  tobacco  smoke,  and  the  physical 

"5 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

discomforts  of  the  place  increased  to  the  point  of  general 
exhaustion.  Yet  one  could  not  but  take  delight  in  a 
scene  where  enjoyment  was  so  evident  and  so  thorough- 
ly sincere.  Every  guest  participated ;  no  one  was  neg- 
lected. Grandmothers  were  led  out  for  a  gay  turn  by 
grandsons  who  cavaliered  their  little  sisters  in  the  next 
dance.  Fathers  and  daughters,  sons  and  mothers,  made 
light-hearted  couples.  It  was  a  sight  never  to  be 
seen  at  an  American  gathering,  but  common  enough 
wherever  Italians  are  assembled  for  any  kind  of 
celebration  or  enjoyment.  In  pleasure,  as  in  work, 
the  family  rules. 

But  weddings  and  family  dances  do  not  come  very 
often,  and  other  evenings  must  be  spent  in  the  tene- 
ment home  under  strict  guardianship  and  oversight. 
Against  this  strictness  of  another  land  are  constantly 
beating  all  the  new,  free  customs  of  America.  The 
conflict  begins  as  soon  as  Carlotta  gets  her  working 
papers  and  takes  her  place  in  the  factory.  Inevitably 
the  influences  of  the  new  life  in  which  she  spends  nine 
hours  of  the  day  begin  to  tell  on  her.  Each  morning 
and  each  evening,  as  she  covers  her  head  with  an  old 
crocheted  shawl  and  walks  to  and  from  her  factory,  she 
passes  the  daughters  of  her  Irish  and  American  neigh- 
bors in  their  smart  hats,  their  cheap  waists  in  the  latest 
and  smartest  style,  their  tinsel  ornaments,  and  their 
gay  hair-bows.  A  part  of  the  contents  of  their  pay 
envelopes  goes  into  the  personal  expenses  of  those  girls. 
Nor  do  they  hurry  through  the  streets  to  their  homes 
after  working  hours,  but  linger  with  a  boy  companion 
making  "dates"  for  a  "movie"  or  an  "affair." 

Slowly  but  surely  their  example  is  beginning  to  have 
its  effect  on  the  docile  little  Italian  whose  life  has  hither- 

116 


THE    ITALIAN    GIRL 

to  swung  like  a  pendulum  back  and  forth  between  her 
labors  at  the  factory  and  the  duties  and  restraints  of 
home.  She  begins  to  long  for  the  same  freedom  that 
the  other  girls  enjoy.  But  freedom  does  not  mean  for 
her  what  it  means  for  the  American  girl,  trained  in 
a  different  school  from  the  beginning.  She  has  not  the 
same  hard  little  powers  of  resistance,  nor  can  she  make 
the  same  truculent  boast  of  being  able  to  "take  care  of 
herself."  She  is  not  able  to  present  the  same  rough  and 
ready  front  to  rowdy  good  times. 

Free  and  easy  as  are  the  manners  of  her  American 
sisters,  they  usually  draw  a  line,  distinct  enough  from 
their  own  point  of  view,  at  "tough"  and  "fresh."  The 
Italian  girl  has  no  idea  of  where  the  line  is,  or  whether 
these  bold-appearing  girls  really  have  any  standards 
of  conduct.  Her  line,  the  line  her  people  have  drawn 
for  her,  is  placed  well  in  front  of  the  commonest  enjoy- 
ments of  the  West  Side  girl.  Once  it  is  broken  over 
by  a  "lark"  with  a  crowd  of  boys  and  girls,  then  she  is, 
by  her  own  and  her  people's  standards,  condemned. 
Very  often,  however,  she  fails  to  feel  the  weight  of  her 
old  friends'  disapprobation  as  heavily  as  might  be  ex- 
pected because  she  is  still  accepted  by  the  standards 
of  the  new  country,  ber  country.  As  long  as  she  does 
not  overstep  its  particular  line,  she  is  safe.  But  to 
her  the  American  line  of  conduct  is  blurred  and  in- 
distinct. It  is  determined  by  conditions  which  she  does 
not  recognize  or  understand.  The  little  tragedies  and 
conflicts  of  this  semi-Americanization  are  familiar 
enough  to  those  who  know  the  Italian  girl  of  some 
years'   residence. 

It  is  useless  to  expect  that  her  young,  wholesome  crav- 
ing for  amusement  will  continue  to  be  satisfied  in  the 

117 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

ways  approved  by  her  people.  The  irresistible  lure  of 
America  which  has  already  drawn  her  parents  from  the 
ancestral  plains  of  Italy  continues  still  to  draw  her. 
She  must  enter  upon  her  kingdom.  But  unaccustomed 
as  she  is  to  the  newer  ways,  the  Italian  daughter  must 
be  taught  intelligently  to  meet  American  conditions 
and  trained  in  the  forms  of  self-protection  which  they 
necessitate.  Her  parents  cannot  do  this.  They  have 
themselves  still  too  much  to  learn.  But  the  community 
to  which  she  has  come,  bringing  her  all — her  health, 
her  strength,  her  industry,  and  her  children — owes  it  at 
least  to  her  to  safeguard  the  innocent  joys  of  her  youth. 


118 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX    A 
ECONOMIC  CONDITION  OF  THE  FAMILIES 

OUR  65  girls  came  from  55  different  families. 
Forty-one  of  these  families  had  at  some  pe- 
riod in  their  lives  been  aided,  or  investigated, 
or  disciplined  by  some  sort  of  private  philanthropic  or 
protective  agency.  Of  these,  all  but  one  had., records 
with  some  relief  agency.  In  a  very  few  cases  the 
Association  for  Improving  the  Condition  of  the  Poor 
and  the  Charity  Organization  Society  records  show 
that  the  family  received  no  relief,  but  only  visitation 
and  advice.  Usually,  however,  actual  relief  was  given. 
Thirty-nine  had  records  in  the  registration  bureau  of  the 
Charity  Organization  Society.  Eleven  had  Charity 
Organization  Society  records  only;  15  had  records  with 
the  Association  for  Improving  the  Condition  of  the 
Poor  only;  one  had  been  helped  only  by  the  church. 
Thirteen  had  records  of  relief  from  or  intervention  by 
more  than  one  society;  as,  the  Association  for  Improv- 
ing the  Condition  of  the  Poor  and  the  St.  Vincent  de 
Paul  Society,  or  the  Charity  Organization  Society  and 
the  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children, 
or  again  and  again  both  the  Charity  Organization  So- 
ciety and  the  Association  for  Improving  the  Condition 
of  the  Poor.  One  had  been  under  the  care  of  the 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children 
and  the  Board  of  Health. 

121 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

Often,  of  course,  families  such  as  these  must  turn  to 
an  agency  for  help  only  in  time  of  crisis;  and  when  the 
crisis  is  past  and  the  aid  they  have  received  has  put 
them  on  their  feet  again,  they  no  longer  need  support. 
Such,  at  least,  is  the  ideal  of  "family  rehabilitation." 
Of  a  different  sort  are  the  cases  of  chronic,  wasting 
poverty  and  misfortune,  which  no  charitable  aid  can 
ever  render  self-supporting.  These  are  the  poor  who 
are  always  with  us;  and  it  was  to  this  group,  we  found, 
that  most  of  our  families  belonged.  In  analyzing  the 
relief  cases,  it  seemed  to  us  that  where  a  family  had  been 
under  the  care  of  an  agency  for  less  than  two  years  it 
could  be  put  in  the  former  group,  where  relief  was  given 
because  of  emergencies.  Of  the  40  cases,  10  were  in 
this  class.  The  other  30  had  records  for  two  years  or 
more;  and  of  these  30  cases,  1 7  had  records  for  two  years 
and  less  than  six  years,  and  13  for  six  years  or  more. 
The  average  period  of  intermittent  care  for  the  30 
families  whose  relief  records  extended  over  more  than 
two  years  was  nine  and  a  half  years.  The  average  is 
startling  enough,  but  a  few  cases  stand  out  as  more 
startling  than  the  rest.  One  family  had  applied  for 
aid  in  1899  and  the  case  had  been  "closed"  and  re- 
opened* at  intervals  ever  since.  One  record  extended 
from  1892  to  1908,  one  from  1895  to  191 1.  One 
case  had  been  opened  and  closed  eight  separate  times 
since  1899. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  no  figures  can  be  given 
to  show  the  help  these  families  had  received  from  private 
sources;  clothing  from  women  for  whom  the  mothers 

*  When  a  family  is  found  to  be  no  longer  in  need  of  relief,  the  case 
is  technically  referred  to  in  the  offices  of  the  relief  society  as  "closed." 
If  further  relief  is  needed  at  a  later  date,  it  is  "re-opened." 

122 


ECONOMIC    CONDITION    OF    THE    FAMILIES 

had  done  day's  work  or  washing,  money  for  rent  or 
doctor's  bills  from  relatives,  food  from  neighbors, — all 
these  things  help  stave  off  the  dreaded  appeal  to 
"charity." 

We  have  tried  to  analyze  the  immediate  causes  of 
need  at  the  time  the  family  was  first  referred  to  the 
relief  society.  The  first  application  is  the  most  sig- 
nificant, for  after  help  has  been  obtained  once,  it  is 
likely  to  be  sought  again.  Of  our  40  relief  cases,  one 
family  had  been  deserted  by  the  chief  wage-earner,  in 
five  he  was  dead,  and  in  34  the  wage-earner  was  living. 
Very  few  of  the  first  applications,  therefore,  were  due 
to  the  death  of  the  father. 

The  number  of  children  born  to  the  family,  whether 
living  or  dead,  often  determines  the  extent  of  its 
poverty,*  and  contributes  to  the  necessity  for  relief. 
We  have  estimated,  roughly,  that  three  or  four  living 
children  was  the  average  for  these  40  families  at  the 
time  of  the  first  application.  In  some  cases  there  was 
only  one  child,  but  in  many  cases  there  were  six  or 
seven.  The  records  do  not  tell  us  how  many  had  been 
born,  nor  how  many  had  died,  thus  adding  their  quota 
to  the  family's  share  of  illness,  expense,  and  sorrow.f 
In  the  cases  that  were  opened  and  closed  again  and 
again  we  find  that  child  after  child  was  born  after  the 
family  was  far  below  the  line  of  self-support, — six  or 
eight  or  10  children  born  into  homes  that  could  support 
in  decency  only  one  or  two  at  most.  But  "too  many 
children"  never  appears  as  the  cause  of  an  application 
for  relief  in  the  records  of  a  charitable  society. 

*  See  Chapter  II,  In  the  Grip  of  Poverty,  p.  19. 
t  For  statement  regarding  births  and  deaths  of  children  in  31 
families,  not  all  of  whom  had  relief  records,  see  Chapter  II,  p.  23. 

•23 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

It  is  true  that  need  is  rarely  due  to  any  one  circum- 
stance. Usually  where  one  kind  of  misery  exists,  other 
kinds  are  found  also.*  The  most  common  causes  that 
the  records  for  this  group  of  40  show  were  lack  of 
work,  casual  work,  illness,  or  drink;  and  these  were 
combined  and  coupled  together  in  story  after  story. 
Taking  in  each  case  what  seems  to  have  been  the 
chief  immediate  cause,  though  we  cannot  claim  that 
our  division  is  strictly  accurate,  we  found  that  in  five 
cases  the  need  was  due  primarily  to  illness;  in  three 
primarily  to  drink;  in  10  the  causes  were  scattering 
or  could  not  be  ascertained;  in  22  the  distress  was 
due  most  of  all  to  lack  of  work.  Time  and  again 
the  entry  appears:  "The  father  has  been  out  of  work 
for  ten  weeks";  or  "  It  is  the  slack  season  in  the  man's 
trade  and  he  has  been  unable  to  get  a  steady  job  for 
three  months";  or  "The  mother  has  recently  been 
confined  and  the  father  has  been  out  of  a  job  for 
several  weeks  and  there  is  no  food  in  the  house."  It 
is  repeated  over  and  over — out  of  work,  out  of  work, 
out  of  work — till  we  can  only  wonder  that  drink  and 
despair  do  not  more  inevitably  accompany  the  loss  of  a 
job.  These  were  the  conditions  that  brought  40  of  our 
families  to  the  point  of  seeking  relief  at  various  times  in 
their  lives. 

It  would  not  be  fair  to  judge  the  usual  standing  of  our 
group  entirely  by  these  records  of  the  families  which 
had  sought  relief.  We  have  therefore  taken  a  kind  of 
cross  section  of  all  the  families  of  our  65  girls  to  show 
their  earning  capacity  and  general  economic  status  at 
the  date  when  our  acquaintance  with  them  began.    Of 

*  See  Devine,  Edward  T.:  Misery  and  Its  Causes.     New  York. 
The  Macmillan  Co.,  1909. 

124 


ECONOMIC    CONDITION    OF   THE    FAMILIES 

these  55  families,  only  21  were  normal  groups.  By 
this  we  mean  that  the  father  and  mother  were  both 
living,  that  they  were  together,  and  that  the  father 
was  physically  able  to  be  the  wage-earner  and  the 
mother  the  housewife.  The  other  34  were  "broken" 
families.  In  15  the  father  was  dead,  in  six  the  mother 
was  dead,  and  in  three  both  father  and  mother  were 
dead.  In  one  the  father  had  deserted,  and  in  one  the 
mother  was  in  prison.  In  four  of  them  there  was  a 
stepmother  or  stepfather.  In  eight  families  the  father 
was  incapacitated,  either  by  old  age  or  illness,  so  that 
he  was  not  able  to  be  the  chief  wage-earner. 

In  29  of  our  55  families,  the  mothers  were  wage- 
earners.*  In  nine  of  these,  the  father  was  dead;  in 
six,  he  was  incapacitated;  in  14,  the  mother  worked  be- 
cause the  father's  income  was  not  enough  to  support 
the  family  without  her  aid.  Where  the  father  was  dead 
or  disabled  the  mother's  work  was  more  constant  and 
regular  than  where  she  worked  to  supplement  the  hus- 
band's earnings.  Of  these  29  mothers,  10  went  out 
for  "day's  work"  sometimes  only  one  or  two  days  a 
week.  Ten  worked  more  regularly,  washing  or  scrub- 
bing several  days  a  week,  sewing  at  home,  and  so  on. 
Thirteen  were  janitresses  of  the  tenements  in  which 
they  lived.  Payment  for  this  service  varies  from  $3.00 
off  on  a  month's  rent  to  the  whole  rent  and  $1.00  be- 
sides, depending  on  the  size  of  the  house  or  houses 
cared  for.  Four  of  the  janitresses  also  took  in  washing 
or  did  other  work. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  very  presence  of 
these  women  on  our  list  means  that  they  were  mothers 
of  adolescent  girls  and  of  families  of  children  averag- 

*  See  Chapter  II,  p.  22. 

125 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

ing  about  five  in  number.  Considering  this  we  realize 
more  clearly  the  truth  of  their  saying,"  It's  hard  bringin' 
children  up  in  New  York."  More  than  half  the  mothers 
of  our  girls  were  forced  to  do  other  work  than  that  of 
caring  for  a  good-sized  family. 

The  explanation  of  this  situation  is  found  in  the  low- 
paid  unskilled  work  done  by  the  girls'  fathers.  Of  the 
40  living  fathers  and  stepfathers,  we  can  give  the 
occupations  of  34. 

Teamster 14 

Machinist 4 

Laborer 3 

Dock  worker 2 

Hotel  worker 2 

Slaughter-house  man 2 

Railroad  flagman 2 

Laundry  worker   

Proprietor  of  trucking  business         .... 

Street  cleaner 

Peddler  

Janitor 

Total 34 

Very  few  of  these  occupations  are  what  can  properly 
be  called  skilled  work,  many  of  them  are  extremely 
irregular  and  casual,  and  many  of  them  pay  less  than  a 
living  wage. 

The  housing  of  these  families  is  such  as  would  be 
anticipated  by  those  who  know  them  and  the  facilities 
the  district  offers.  There  are  very  few  new-law  tene- 
ments in  this  part  of  New  York,  and  little  good  can  be 
said  of  the  best  of  the  old-law  houses.  Really  good 
housing  is  practically  unknown.  For  example,  but  two 
of  our  55  families  had  bathrooms  in  their  apartments. 
Many  apartments  contained  small  toilet  rooms,  and 
other  families  used  toilets  in  the  hall  on  the  same  floor. 

126 


ECONOMIC   CONDITION    OF   THE    FAMILIES 


Some  still  had  only  an  old-fashioned  yard  toilet.  One 
house  furnished  for  its  tenants  a  cellar  toilet  used  also 
by  the  men  who  patronized  the  ground  floor  saloon  ad- 
joining it,  and  this  horrible  situation  made  the  children 
of  the  house  afraid  to  go  to  the  cellar  alone  or  after  dark. 
We  have  housing  records  for  53  of  our  55  families. 
Thirty  of  these  lived  in  apartments  containing  one  or 
more  dark  rooms,  with  no  windows  to  the  outer  air,  or 
to  anything  more  than  a  tiny  air-shaft.  Of  these  30 
families,  10  had  one  dark  room,  18  had  two  dark  rooms, 
one  had  three  dark  rooms,  and  one  had  four  dark  rooms. 
The  number  of  persons  in  household  and  the  number 
of  rooms  occupied  were  as  shown  in  the  following  table: 

FIFTY-THREE    FAMILIES    CLASSIFIED    ACCORDING    TO 

NUMBER  OF  PERSONS   IN   HOUSEHOLD  AND 

NUMBER  OF  ROOMS  OCCUPIED  a 


FAMILIES    OCCUPYING 

All 

Two 

Three 

Four 

Five 

Six 

families 

rooms 

rooms 

rooms 

rooms 

rooms 

Two     .... 

1 

1 

2 

Three  .... 

1 

3 

4 

Four     .... 

2 

2 

4 

Five     .... 

1 

2 

4 

1 

8 

Six       ...       . 

2 

5 

2 

2 

1 1 

Seven  .... 

5 

4 

2 

1 1 

Eight  or  nine 

3 

2 

2 

2 

9 

Ten  or  eleven 

1 

1 

2 

Twelve  and   less  than 

seventeen 

1 

1 

2 

Total    . 

3 

1  s 

21 

0 

5 

53 

a  Information  is  not  available  as  to  the  number  of  persons  in  or 
number  of  rooms  occupied  by  two  of  the  55  households. 

In  spite  of  the  lack  of  space,  light,  and  air,  and  the 
poor  sanitary  conveniences,  six  of  the  families  in  apart- 

127 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 


ments,  as  shown  in  the  following  table,  paid  rentals  of 
$20  or  over  per  month,  four  paid  from  $16  to  $20,  20 
paid  from  $12  to  $16,  17  paid  from  $8.00  to  $12,  and 
only  three  paid  less  than  $8.00.  One  family  lived  in 
furnished  rooms  for  which  they  paid  $3.50  a  week;  one 
family  owned  the  house  they  lived  in;  for  three  we 
had  no  records  of  the  amount  of  rent  paid.  The  dis- 
tribution of  rentals  according  to  number  is  shown  by 
the  following  table: 

FIFTY  FAMILIES  CLASSIFIED  ACCORDING  TO  NUMBER 
OF  ROOMS  OCCUPIED  AND  MONTHLY  RENTAL  PAID* 


FAMILIES 

PAYING 

MONTHLY 

RENTAL  OF 

Rooms  occupied 

$8 

$12 

$l6 

All 
families 

Less 

and 

and 

and 

$20 

than 

less 

less 

less 

and 

$8 

than 
$12 

than 
$16 

than 
$20 

over 

Two     .... 

2 

2 

Three  .... 

2 

8 

4 

'4 

Four    .... 

1 

7 

10 

3 

1 

22 

Five     .... 

5 

1 

2 

8 

Six       .... 

1 

2 

3 

Six  and  bath 

1 

1 

Total    . 

3 

>7 

20 

4 

6 

50 

aThis  item  was  not  secured  for  three  of  the  55  families;  one 
family  owned  the  house  in  which  they  lived,  and  one  lived  in  fur- 
nished rooms,  paying  $3.50  a  week. 

Life  insurance  is  almost  universal  in  our  district 
except  for  families  in  the  most  abject  poverty.  Often 
every  member  is  insured,  the  rate  varying  from  5  cents 
a  week  for  children  to  25  cents  or  more  for  adults. 
One  family  spent  $52  a  year  for  insurance  out  of  a  pos- 

128 


ECONOMIC    CONDITION    OF   THE    FAMILIES 

sible  maximum  income  of  $806  for  seven  persons. 
Another  family  of  seven  spent  $2.40  a  week  out  of  an 
income  which  probably  did  not  average  more  than  $20 
a  week  at  the  most.  The  benefit  seldom  does  more  than 
cover  the  cost  of  the  funeral,  and  often  barely  that. 
The  baby  may  have  been  insured  for  $30  and  the  under- 
taker's bill  is  likely  to  be  $40  or  $50.  One  wife  received 
$141  at  her  husband's  death,  and  the  funeral  expenses 
were  $155,  leaving  a  debt  of  $14,  the  cost  of  an  illness, 
and  a  family  of  children  to  support.  Such  a  funeral, 
of  course,  indicates  lack  of  judgment  on  the  part  of 
the  family,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  from  time 
out  of  mind  and  in  all  ranks  of  society,  a  fine  funeral 
has  meant  respect  for  the  dead;  and  burial  in  the 
Potter's  Field  is  still  a  sign  of  the  lowest  economic  stage 
to  which  a  man  can  fall. 

Twenty-five  of  the  55  families,  or  nearly  half,  had 
been  in  the  past,  or  were  at  the  time  of  our  investiga- 
tion, affected  by  excessive  drinking  on  the  part  of  one  or 
both  parents.  Of  this  we  were  sure,  either  from  records 
of  philanthropic  agencies  or  from  our  own  knowledge. 
Some  of  the  remaining  30  families  had  no  cases  of  al- 
coholism, but  concerning  others  we  were  unable  to 
get  any  definite  information.  To  summarize:  In  25 
families  either  the  father  or  mother,  or  both,  were  sub- 
ject to  excessive  drinking;  in  13  of  these  the  fathers 
drank  to  excess;  in  four  the  mothers  drank;  in  eight  of 
the  25  families  both  the  father  and  the  mother  drank. 
"Excessive  drinking"  does  not  necessarily  mean  ha- 
bitual drunkenness.  Such  cases  are  not  frequent.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  never  means  merely  taking  either 
an  occasional  or  a  regular  drink,  unless  this  is  done  to 
excess.     It  means  at  the  least  drinking  of  the  sort  which 

129 


THE    NEGLECTED   GIRL 

makes  the  mother  unable  to  keep  her  home  together 
without  interference  from  the  Society  for  the  Preven- 
tion of  Cruelty  to  Children  or  makes  it  impossible  for 
the  father  to  "hold  down"  a  job.  In  all  25  of  these 
cases,  the  families  had  relief  records. 

To  sum  up,  we  have  divided  our  families  on  a  basis  of 
prosperity  and  poverty  as  Miss  Breckinridge  and  Miss 
Abbott  have  done  in  their  book  on  The  Delinquent 
Child  and  the  Home.* 

Class  I  represents  the  very  poor,  the  "submerged 
tenth," — the  broken  family,  ill  fed,  ill  clad,  ill  supported, 
aided  by  charity  month  after  month  and  year  after 
year,  sick,  wretched,  truly  poverty  stricken.  To  this 
class  we  have  judged  that  20  of  our  55  families,  con- 
taining 25  of  our  65  girls,  belonged. 

Class  1 1  are  the  poor,  those  with  whom  it  is  a  constant 
struggle  to  make  ends  meet,  who  seldom  have  comfort 
but  who  seldom  are  on  the  verge  of  starvation.  In 
this  class  we  have  placed  23  of  our  families,  containing 
28  of  our  girls. 

Class  III  represents  the  fairly  comfortable,  those 
whose  chief  wage-earner  has  steady  work  or  in  which 
the  children  are  contributing  a  fair  share  of  the  income; 
where  food  is  sufficient  and  overcrowding  is  not  very 
great.  In  this  class  were  1 1  of  our  families,  with  1 1  of 
our  girls. 

Class  IV  is  the  very  comfortable  group,  those  who  can 
afford  a  little  more  than  the  minimum  of  education  and 
of  care  for  their  children,  and  who  are  never  likely  to 
know  pressing  want.     In  this  class  there  was  one  family, 

*  Breckinridge,  Sophonisba  P.,  and  Abbott,  Edith:  The  Delin- 
quent Child  and  the  Home.  Russell  Sage  Foundation  Publication. 
New  York,  Charities  Publication  Committee,  1912. 

130 


ECONOMIC   CONDITION    OF    THE    FAMILIES 

containing  one  of  our  girls.  This  child's  grandfather 
was  an  early  district  settler,  an  Irish  builder  and  con- 
tractor. When  he  died  he  left  to  the  mother  three  or 
four  tenement  houses,  in  one  of  which  the  family  were 
living,  while  the  rents  from  the  others  rendered  them, 
according  to  local  standards,  positively  affluent. 

Thus,  to  separate  poverty  from  prosperity,  roughly 
though  it  must  be,  only  12  of  the  55  families  could  be 
called  comfortable.  The  remaining  43  families  were 
poor,  some  of  them  wretchedly  poor.  This  condition, 
whatever  may  have  been  its  cause,  was  the  dominating 
factor  in  the  lives  of  all  but  12  of  our  65  girls. 


131 


APPENDIX    B 
SCHOOL   ATTENDANCE    DATA 

TO  obtain  facts  regarding  school  attendance  in 
the  West  Side  district  studied,  a  special  tabu- 
lation for  four  public  schools  was  made  in  the 
Bureau  of  Social  Research  from  schedules  obtained  for 
the  Committee  on  School  Inquiry  of  the  Board  of 
Estimate  and  Apportionment  of  New  York  City.  Pub- 
lic Schools  Nos.  17,  32,  51,  and  127  were  the  schools 
included  in  the  study.  The  records  covered  a  period 
of  five  months,  from  February  1,  191 1,  to  June  30, 
191 1,  or  practically  100  school  days.  In  the  following 
table  is  shown  the  relation  between  the  absences  of 
boys  and  the  absences  of  girls  in  the  four  schools 
mentioned,  and  the  relation  between  absences  in  these 
schools  and  absences  in  the  entire  city. 

It  will  be  noted  that  attendance  is  poorer  for  the 
girls  than  for  the  boys.  The  difference  in  the  average 
number  of  days  of  absence  is  about  2.6  days,  or  approxi- 
mately 2.6  per  cent  of  the  term  in  question. 

Attendance  is  better  in  the  city  as  a  whole  than  in 
the  four  schools  in  the  district.  But  63.5  per  cent  of 
the  children  in  the  schools  in  the  district  were  absent 
less  than  eleven  days,  as  compared  with  67.3  per  cent 
of  those  in  the  city  as  a  whole.  The  proportion  of  chil- 
dren in  each  of  the  successive  groups  representing 
longer  periods  of  absence  is  smaller  for  the  city  as  a 
whole  than  for  the  four  schools.    A  comparison  of  the 

132 


SCHOOL    ATTENDANCE    DATA 


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column  for  boys  with  that  for  girls  shows  that  the  low 
attendance  in  the  schools  studied  is  due  to  the  relatively 
low  attendance  among  the  girls.  While  the  percent- 
ages relating  to  the  boys  correspond  almost  exactly 
to  those  relating  to  all  the  children  of  the  city,  the 
percentages  for  the  girls  indicate  a  materially  lower 
proportion  of  attendance. 


134 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Abbott,  Edith:  The  Delinquent 
Child  and  the  Home,  cited, 
130 

Adenoids:  found  on  examination 
of  girls,  83 

Adolescence:  and  poverty,  32; 
and  self-assertion,  48 

Agnes:  the  friend  of  Annie 
Brink,  31 

Alcoholism:  in  families  of  girls, 
129.     See  also  Drinking 

Amelia:  the  case  of,  52 

American  Female  Guardian 
Society  School  on  West 
Side,  33 

Americanization  among  Ital- 
ians: signs  of,  1 10,  117 

Angelina  and  Nick,  96, 97,  1 13- 

"5 

Anthony,  Katharine:  Mothers 
Who  Must  Earn,  cited,  23 

Association  for  Improving  the 
Condition  of  the  Poor: 
families  of  girls  having  rec- 
ords with,  121 

Attinger,  Mrs.:  on  her  Lizzie's 
marriage,  73,  74 

Ayres,  Leonard  P.:  Laggards 
in  Our  Schools,  cited,  37 

"Baby's"  Housekeeping,  35, 
36 

Bachman,  Frank  P.:  Report  on 
Promotions  and  Non-Pro- 
motions, etc.,  cited,  133 

Basket-weaving:  as  a  club  oc- 
cupation, 4 

Bedford  Reformatory:  super- 
intendent of,  quoted,  15; 
treatment  of  girls  at,  18 

Belsito,  Adelina:  and  her  ab- 
sence from  school,  102,  103 


Birth  Rate  and  Death  Rate 
of  West  Side,  23 

Blondi,  Zappira:  and  her  moth- 
er, 105,  106 

Boys:  and  the  girls'  club,  4,  6,  7, 
8,  9;  idleness  among,  more 
common  than  among  girls, 
5 1 ;  school  attendance  of, 
compared  with  that  of  girls, 
132-134 

Brass  Work:  as  a  club  occupa- 
tion, 4 

Breckinridge,  S.  P.:  The  De- 
linquent Child  and  the 
Home,  cited,  130 

Brink,  Annie:  story  of,  30,  31 

Bureau  of  Social  Research: 
study  of  school  attendance 
by,  132 

Burial  Expenses,  23,  129 

Business  Enterprises:  con- 
ducted by  Italian  families, 
106,  107 

Carney,  May:  case  of,  85,  86,  87 

Carney,  Mrs.:  on  May's  mar- 
riage, 86 

Cartwright,  O.  G.:  Historical 
Survey  of  the  West  Side, 
cited,  76 

Charitable  Aid:  received  by 
families  of  girls,  122,  123, 
124.    See  also  Relief  Records 

Charitable  Societies:  Italians 
and  the,  108 

Charity  among  Italians,  107, 
108 

Charity  Organization  So- 
ciety: families  of  girls  hav- 
ing records  with,  121 

Childhood:  influence  of  tene- 
ment life  on,  81,  82 


137 


INDEX 


Children:  school  attendance  of, 
132-134 

Children's  Aid  Society  School 
on  West  Side,  33 

Christ  PresbyteriaIm  Church: 
supervisor  from,  in  charge  of 
playground  at  club,  3 

Church:  aid  to  family  given  by, 
121 

Cleary  and  Maggie:  affair  be- 
tween, 79,  80 

Cleaver  and  Doran,  9,  10 

Clinic,  Psychological:  exami- 
nation of  girls  in  a,  85 

Clinic,  Weekly:  at  club,  84 

Cliques  among  Girls,  60,  61 

Clothes, Pretty:  the  girls'  long- 
ing for,  59,  60 

Clothing,  Protective:  the 
girls'  lack  of,  60 

Club  House  at  471  Tenth 
Avenue:  aim  and  origin  of, 
1,  2;  equipment  and  activi- 
ties of,  3,  4;  only  outbreak 
against  a  leader  at,  10,  11; 
razed  to  give  place  to  a  fac- 
tory, 14;  relations  with  fel- 
low tenants  at,  5,  6;  relations 
with  neighborhood  boys  at, 
6,  7,  8,  9;  total  number  of 
girls  studied  at,  14;  West 
Side  girls,  how  far  repre- 
sented at,  15,  16 

Clubs  and  Settlements:  use 
of,  by  West  Side  girls,  67 

Colletti  Family:  and  their 
home,  98 

Colletti,  Lucy:  references  to, 
95»  96.  97,  98,  99,  109,  in, 
114 

Colletti,  Mary:  references  to, 
95,  96,  98,  99 

Conjunctivitis:  case  of,  dis- 
covered in  physical  exami- 
nation of  girls,  83 

Cooking:  as  a  club  occupation,  4 

Cook  Stove:  essential  to  equip- 
ment of  girls'  club,  4 


Costa,  Angelina:  and  her  in- 
terpretation    of     Lincoln's 
birthday,  1 12 
Craven,  Mamie:  case  of,  60 
Cull,    Christina:  ■  truancy   of, 
38,  39,  40 

Daley's  Marriage  to  May 
Carney,  86,  87 

Dance  Halls:  and  the  occa- 
sional ball,  69;  campaign  for 
control  of,  16,  17;  etiquette 
of,  69,  70;  grades  of,  70 

Dances,  Public:  conduct  of,  71 

Dancing  :  enthusiasm  of  girls  for, 
4.67 

Dark  Rooms  in  Homes  of 
Girls,  24,  127 

Davis,  Dr.  Katherine  B.: 
quoted,  15 

Death  Rates.    See  Mortality 

Defects,  Physical:  found  in 
club  girls,  83 

Denley,  Clara:  and  her  fac- 
tion, 12 

Department  Stores:  preference 
of  some  girls  for,  43.  See 
also  Stores 

Derks,  Emma:  and  her  raffle,  32 

Devine,  Edward  T.:  Misery  and 
Its  Causes,  cited,  124 

Distel,  Mr.:  as  a  neighbor,  6 

Donovan,  Sissy:  first  job  of,  41, 
42 

Doran's  Tale  of  a  Gang,  9 

Drake,  Carrie:  case  of,  88-90 

Drink:  girl  does  not  take  to,  32; 
mothers  who  take  to,  27,  29 

Drinking:  excessive,  on  the  part 
of  parents  of  girls,  29,  129, 
130 

Drunkenness:  habitual,  distin- 
guished from  "excessive 
drinking,"  129 

Earnings  of  Girls,  47 

East  Side:  West  Side  compared 
with,  as  to  stability  of  popu- 
lation, 75 


138 


INDEX 


Economic  Condition:  of  the 
families  of  girls,  121—131 

Education,  Compulsory:  period 
of,  33 

Egan,  Barbara,  and  Louisa 
Storm:  quarrel  between,  12 

Eighth  Avenue:  as  a  prome- 
nade, 66 

Eleventh  Avenue: case  of  one 
family  on,  24-26 

Employment  Certificate.  See 
Working  Papers 

Estimate  and  Apportionment 
Board's  Committee  of 
School  Inquiry,  132,  133 

Examination,  Physical:  of  club 
girls,  82,  83,  84 

Eyes  of  Girls:  not  cared  for,  83 

Factories:  and  the  West  Side 
girl,  43,  44;  wages  of  the  girl 
in,  47;  work  of  Italian  girls 
in,  1 10,  111 

Families:  large,  on  West  Side,  22 

Families  of  Girls:  classified  on 
basis  of  prosperity  or  pov- 
erty, 130,  1 3 1 ;  economic  con- 
ditions of,  121-131;  housing 
of,  126,  127,  128;  how  consti- 
tuted, 125;  which  received 
charitable  aid,  study  of,  122, 
123,  124 

Family,  Limitation  of  Size  of: 
almost  unknown  on  West 
Side,  23 

Family  Protection:  general 
breakdown  of,  on  West  Side, 
75-94;  maintained  in  the 
case  of  the  Italian  girl,  108, 
in,  1 12 

Fathers:  occupations  of,  126 

Festivals,  Italian,  112 

Fleming,  Sadie,  and  Maggie 
Tracy,  12,  13 

Fuller,  Carrie:  case  of,  84,  85 

Funeral  Expenses:  in  families 
of  girls,  129 


Galaxy  Moving  Picture  Show, 
67 

Gang  Spirit  of  Tenth  Avenue, 
13 

Gangs.    See  Boys;  Gopher  Gang; 
"Hell's  Kitchen"  Gang 

Gas  Plants:  odors  of,  on  West 
Side,  75 

Gate:  as  a  bone  of  contention, 
3.4 

"Gentleman     Friends"     and 
"Lady  Friends,"  61 

Gibson,  Annie:  truancy  of, 37, 38 

Girls,  West  Side:  aim  and 
methods  of  study,  1 ;  atti- 
tude of,  toward  assumption 
of  family  burdens,  49,  50, 
51;  demand  for  "good 
times"  by,  51;  difficulty  of 
knowing,  in  their  own 
homes,  2;  education,  in 
neighborhood  immorality, 
75-81,  87-93;  familiarity 
with  poverty  and  its  effect, 
2i,  29,  32;  fondness  for 
dancing  and  music,  4,  67,  68, 
69;  homes  and  street  corners 
as  places  of  meeting  with 
boy  friends,  61-63;  how  far 
represented  in  clubs,  15,  16; 
idealism  of,  68;  immoderate 
pace  of  living  among,  83; 
marriage,  how  regarded  by, 
73,74;  occupations  of,  43,44, 
45,  46;  physical  inheritance 
and  health  of,  82,  83,  84,  85; 
relations  with  their  families 
compared  with  those  of 
boys,  19;  relations  with  their 
mothers  often  strained,  53, 
54,  55;  school  attendance  of, 
compared  with  that  of  boys, 
132-134;  schooling  of,  33- 
42;  social  relations  among, 
contrasted  with  those  among 
boys,  60,  61;  surest  way  to 
help,  94;  wages  earned  by, 
amount  and  disposition  of, 
47,  48.    See  also  Italian  Girl 


I39 


INDEX 


Gopher  Gang:  gossip  about,  6, 

9,  10,  13,  76 
"Gopherettes":    proposed    as 

name  of  club,  10 

Hannick  and  Maggie,  62 
Health,      Board     of:     family 

under  care  of,  121 
Health  of  Club  Girls,  82,  83, 

84,85 
"Hell's  Kitchen"  Gang:  and 

its  influence,  76 
Hickman's     Moving     Picture 

Show,  67 
Holidays,  American:  among  the 

Italians,  1 12 
Home:  men  friends  of  girls  not 

welcomed    in    the,    61,    62; 

need  of  strengthening  of  best 

elements  in   the,  94;  wage- 
earning   and   new   relations 

at,  43-56 
Home  Work:   Italian  girls  not 

engaged  in,  no 
Home-work      Investigator: 

quoted,  on  Italian  girls,  in 
Housing  of  Families  of  Girls, 

24,  126,  127,  128 
Hyland,  Winnie,  and  Carrie 

Drake,  88 

Idealism  among  Girls,  67 

Illegitimate  Births:  common 
on  West  Side,  79 

Immorality  among  Girls,  79, 
80,  85-93 

Industrial  Histories  of  Girls, 
45,  46,  47 

Insurance,  Life:  in  families  of 
girls,  23,  128,  129 

Italian  Girl:  claims  of  school 
upon,  102,  103;  eagerness  of, 
to  go  to  work,  109;  family's 
protection  of,  108;  kinds  of 
work  done  by,  no,  in; 
pleasures  prohibited  and 
permitted  to,  ill,  112;  semi- 
Americanization  of,  116, 
117;  separate  study  made 
of,  1,  95 


Italians  of  West  Side:  Amer- 
icanization of  names  among, 
1 10;  characteristics  of  fam- 
ily life  among,  106,  107,  108, 
in,  112;  eagerness  of  par- 
ents for  arrival  of  fourteenth 
birthday  of  daughter,  109; 
festivals  among,  112;  length 
of  residence  in  United  States, 
109;  mutual  helpfulness  and 
charity  among,  107,  108;  oc- 
cupations of,  106,  107,  no; 
sympathy  the  keynote  of  the 
community,  101;  wedding 
parties  among,  113-116 

Jennie.    See  Polini,  Jennie 
Josie:  and  the  dance  halls,  72 

Kersey,  Mrs.,  and  "Baby,"  35 
Kneeland,    George   J.:   Com- 
mercialized   Prostitution   in 
New  York  City,  quoted,  71 
Kohlberger's  Candy  Factory, 
95 

"Lady  Friend":  significance  of 
title,  61 

"Laggards"  among  Girls,  37 

Langan,  Father:  aid  of,  en- 
listed by  Mrs.  Mullarkey, 
91;  and  the  "Gophers,"  12, 
13 

Larkey,  Emma:  schooling  of,  36 

Lawlessness  of  West  Side,  6, 
7,  8,  9,  10,  13,  75,  76 

Lincoln's  Birthday:  as  inter- 
preted by  Angelina  Costa, 
1 12 

London  Slums:  compared  with 
Middle  West  Side  District, 
82 

Louisa:  the  case  of,  54,  55 

McClusky  Family:  as  co-ten- 
ants of  the  club,  4,  5,  6 

McKeevers:  Thanksgiving  par- 
ty at  home  of,  64-66 


140 


INDEX 


Maggie:  the  case  of,  62 

Martha  and  Sarah:  trachoma 
cases,  83,  84 

Mattie  and  Cleary:  affair  be- 
tween, 79,  80 

Marriage:  as  an  adventure,  73; 
following  irregular  relation- 
ship, how  regarded,  79; 
found  to  be  a  sobering 
event,  74;  of  May  Carney, 
85-87.    See  also  Weddings 

Marro,  Angelina:  her  wedding 
party,  113-116.  See  also 
Angelina  and  Niek 

Mayhew,  Fanny:  and  the  "Go- 
pherettes,"  10 

Meehan,  Jennie:  marriage of,8o 

Meehan,  Mrs.:  on  the  size  of 
her  family,  22 

Mental  Ability:  of  girls  tested 
in  a  psychological  clinic,  85 

Mercer,  Addie:  and  her  father, 
80,  81 

Middle  West  Side.  See  West 
Side 

Misery  and  its  Causes:  in  fam- 
ilies of  girls,  124 

Money:  importance  of  control  of, 
to  working  girls,  59 

Moral  Conditions  on  Middle 
West  Side,  77-81 

Moresco,  Filamina:  an  Italian 
rebel,  112 

Morelli,  Rose:  and  her  family, 
99,  100,  101,  1 1 1 

Mortality  among  Children  on 
Middle  West  Side,  23 

Mother:  and  daughter,  strained 
relations  between,  53;  as  the 
mainstay  of  the  family,  26 

Mothers  of  Girls:  wage-earn- 
ing, 125;  who  take  to  drink, 
27,  29 

Moving  Picture  Shows,  66,  67 

Mullarkey,  Mrs.:  and  her 
search  for  Fannie,  90-92 

Mullens,  Fanny:  and  her  rea- 
son for  leaving  the  Excelsior 
Laundry,  46 


Murphy,  Mrs.:  and  her  daugh- 
ter Katie,  2 

Music:  appeal  of,  to  girl,  67. 
See  also  Songs,  Popular 

Names:  changes  in,  among  Ital- 
ians of  West  Side,  1 10 

New  Machiavelli,  The:  quo- 
tation from,  66 

Nick  and  Angelina,  96,  97,  1 14 

"Nickel  Dump,"  72.  See  also 
Moving  Picture  Shows 

O'Brien,  Julia:  and  the  young 

woman  from  the  ranks,  1 1 
O'Brien,   "Tootsie":  and   her 

first  job,  44 
O'Callahan,  Mrs.:  her  tale  of 

the  Gophers,  13 
Occupations:  of  girls   studied, 

44,  45;  of  fathers  of  girls, 

126;  of  mothers  of  girls,  125; 

of  West  Side  Italians,   106, 

107,  1 10 

Parental  Surveillance  over 
Italian  Girls,  hi.  See 
also  Italian  Girl 

Parents:  hostility  of,  toward 
men  friends  of  girls,  62;  ex- 
cessive drinking  on  the  part 
of,  29,  129,  130 

Patsy  :  the  case  of,  92 

Pay  Envelope:  family  customs 
regarding,  47,  48,  49 

Petie's  Mother  Dispossessed, 
27,  28 

Philanthropic  Agency:  fam- 
ilies of  girls  having  records 
with  some,  121.  See  also 
Relief  Records;  Charitable 
Aid 

Physical  Inheritance:  and 
condition  of  girls,  82,  83,  84, 
85 

Piano:  essential  to  equipment  of 
girls'  club,  4 

Play:  the  will  to,  57-74 


141 


INDEX 


Playground  in  Back  Yard  of 

Club  House,  3 
Polini,  Jennie:  and  her  choice 

of  a  fellow,  96,  97,  99,  112 
Population  of   Middle  West 

Side:  more  stable  than  that 

of  East  Side,  75 
Potter's  Field:  burial  in,  how 

regarded,  129 
Poverty:  in  families  of  girls,  20- 

32,  130,  131 
Precocious    Development   of 

Girls,  93 
Prosperity:    families    of    girls 

classified  by  degree  of,  130, 

Prostitution:  case  of,  among 
girls  known  at  club,  88 

Psychological  Clinic:  exami- 
nation of  girls  in,  85 

Pupils.     See  Children 

Quarrels  between  Club  Mem- 
bers, 12 

Reformatory:  as  a  cure  for 
truancy,  38,  39 

Reilly,  Mamie:  and  her  respon- 
sibilities, 50,  51 

Reilly,  Mrs.:  on  births  and 
deaths,  23 

Relief  Records:  of  families  of 
girls,  20,  121,  122,  123,  124 

Retardation  among  Girls 
Studied,  36,  37 

Rentals  Paid  by  Families  of 
Girls,  24,  128 

Reynolds,  Stephen:  quoted,  15 

Roche,  Josephine:  author  of 
chapter  on  the  I  talian  girl,  95 

Ruletti,  Mrs.:  and  her  foster- 
child,  103,  104 

Ryan,  Mrs.:  quoted,  77 

Sabbio,    Mrs.:  and   the  family 

saloon,  106 
Sadie    and    Petie's     Mother 

Dispossessed,  27,  28 


St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Society: 
families  of  girls  having  rec- 
ords with,  121 

Saloon,  Corner:  and  its  in- 
fluence, 81,  82 

Sarah  and  Maggie:  trachoma 
cases,  83,  84 

School  Attendance  on  the 
Middle   West  Side,    132- 

134 

School  Enquiry,  Committee 
on:  of  Board  of  Estimate 
and     Apportionment,     132, 

•33 

Schooling,  Compulsory:  period 

of,  33 
Schools:  absence  from,  among 
Italians,  102,  103;  choice  of, 
open  to  West  Side  girl,  33; 
evasions  of  law  by  early 
leaving  of,  40,  41,  42;  retar- 
dation of  girls  in,  36,  37; 
truancy  of  girls  in,  38,  39, 
40;  use  of  transfers  in  the, 

34.  35.  36 
Settlements  and  Clubs:  use  of, 

by  girls,  67 
Sewing:  as  a  club  occupation,  4 
Sexual  Abuse:  among  girls,  84, 

85 

Sheridan,  Martie:  and  her 
machine,  45 

Sherin,  Nellie:  and  her  work, 
46 

Sipp,  May:  desire  for  home  visit 
expressed  by,  3 

Slaughter  Pens:  odors  from, 
on  West  Side,  75 

Social  Relations:  among  girls 
contrasted  with  those  among 
boys,  60,  61 

Society  for  the  Prevention 
of  Cruelty  to  Children: 
families  of  girls  having  rec- 
ords with,  121;  interference 
of,  where  mother  drinks,  130 

Songs,  Popular:  fondness  of 
girls  for,  4.    See  also  Music 


142 


INDEX 


Spinal    Curvature:    cases    of, 

discovered   on    examination 

of  girls,  83 
Stark,  Pauline:  a  "rover,"  45 
Stertle,  Mamie:  on  going  home 

at  night,  77 
Stevens,  Kitty:  on  Jennie  Mee- 

han's  marriage,  80 
Stores  :  wages  of  girls  starting  in, 

47.      See    also    Department 

Stores 
Storm,    Louisa,   and    Barbara 

Egan:  quarrel  between,  12 
Street  Corners:  as  places  of 

rendezvous,  62,  63 
Strumpf,    Anna,    and    Mamie 

Taggart:  quarrel  between, 

12 

Taggart,    Mamie,    and    Anna 
Strumpf:  quarrel  between, 
12 
Teeth  of  Girls:  neglect  of,  83 
Tenth  Avenue:  gang  spirit  of, 

»3 

Thanksgiving  Party  at  the 
McKeevers',  64-66 

Throats  of  Girls:  not  cared 
for,  83 

Toilet,  Open:  dangers  of,  81 

Tonsils,  Enlarged:  found  on 
examination  of  girls,  83 

Toohey,  Sadie:  on  the  restau- 
rant keeper's  past,  78 

Trachoma:  cases  of,  among  the 
girls,  83,  84 

Tracy,  Maggie:  faction  headed 
by,  called  "tough,"  12,  13 

Trade  -  union  Organizer: 
quoted,  on  Italian  girls,  1 1 1 

Transfer  Privileges  in  the 
Schools:  use  of,  34 

Truancy  among  Girls,  37,  38, 
39 

Truant  Officer:  and  the  trans- 
fer privilege,  35 

Truant  School  Needed  for 
Girls,  40 


Tuberculosis:  cases  of,  among 

girls,  84 
Tuzolli,  Laura:  as  a  mother's 

helper,  104,  105 

Undertakers'  Bills,  129 
United  States:  length  of  resi- 
dence of  Italian  families  in, 
109 

Vaudeville:  popularity  of,  67 
Venereal    Disease:   cases    of, 

among  girls,  84;  in  Europe, 

82 
Violence:  tales  of,  76.    See  also 

Lawlessness 
Vision,    Defective:    cases    of, 

found    on    examination    of 

girls,  83 

Wade,  Lizzie:  on  factory  work, 

43 

Wage-Earning  and  New  Re- 
lations at  Home,  43-56 

Wages:  small  on  Middle  West 
Side,  22 

Wages  of  Girls:  in  Italian  fam- 
ilies, customs  regarding,  109; 
who  attended  club,  47.  See 
also  Pay  Envelopes 

Waywardness:  among  West 
Side  girls,  problem  of,  17. 
See  also  Immorality 

Weddings:  among  Italians,  1 13- 
116 

Wells,  H.  G. :  The  New  Machia- 
velli,  quoted,  66,  67 

West  Side,  Middle:  compared 
with  East  Side  as  to  stability 
of  population,  75;  influences 
upon  the  girl,  16,  17,  75,  77; 
population  compared  with 
that  of  London  slums,  82 

Work:  girls'  ways  of  finding,  43; 
lack  of,  as  a  cause  of  de- 
pendence in  families  of  girls, 
124.    See  also  Occupations 

Working  Papers:  requirements 
for,  40,  41 


143 


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